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UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS
BOSTON LIBRARY
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ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY
REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D., LlTT.D.
DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH IN THE CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON
Narratives of Early Virginia
Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation
Winthrop's Journal "History of New England"
(2 vols.) Narratives of Early Carolina Narratives of Early Maryland Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey,
and Delaware Narratives of New Netherland Early English and French Voyages Voyages of Samuel de Champlain Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States Spanish Exploration in the Southwest Narratives of the Insurrections Narratives of the Indian Wars Johnson's Wonder-Working Providence The Journal of Jaspar Danckaerts Narratives of the Northwest Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases The Northmen, Columbus, and Cabot
ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY
NARRATIVES OF
EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
WEST NEW JERSEY
AND DELAWARE
1630 — 170"?
EDITED BY
ALBERT COOK MYERS
New York BARNES & NOBLE, INC.
r
MIS
Copyright, 1912
Bt Charles Scribners Sons
Copyright renewed by Barnes & Noble, Inc., 1940
All rights reserved
Reprinted, 1959
MW. OF MASSACHUSETTS AT BOSTON - LIBRARY
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
NOTE
The first of the illustrations in this volume is a facsimile of a por- tion of an excellent map entitled " Novi Belgii Novseque Anglise nec- non Pennsylvania? et Partis Virginia? Tabula," by N. J. Visscher, a prominent Dutch map-engraver of the middle of the seventeenth century. The whole map embraces, as the title implies, all those parts of New England, the Middle States, and Maryland which at that time had been settled by white men or had become known, more or less accurately, through their explorations. The whole map measures twenty-two by nineteen inches. The part which has been selected for reproduction in this volume covers the regions especially involved in the narratives printed therein. The map is chosen as representing the state of things at the time when Swedish occupation of the Delaware River region gave way to Dutch. Its date cannot be later than June 28, 1656, since a copy of it accom- panied a report of that date from the directors of the Dutch West India Company to the States General of the United Netherlands. On the other hand it can hardly have been finished before February, 1655, since in that month the directors of the West India Company authorized the publication of the first edition of Adriaen van der Donck's Beschrijvinge van Niew Nederlant, which has no map, while the second edition, published in 1656, has a map copied partly from Visscher's. I am informed by Mr. Wilberforce Eames of the New York Public Library, to whom I am indebted for much infor- mation respecting the map, that, though the map was formerly re- puted exceedingly rare, there are probably now in this country a dozen or twenty copies of it in this form. Twenty-eight years later Visscher's son published a reissue of the map from a plate retouched with the addition of Philadelphia and other places and names be- longing to subsequent history.
The second illustration in the volume is a reproduction of Thoma? Holme's " Portraiture of the City of Philadelphia." Thomas Holme
▼i NOTE
(1624-1695), a captain in Cromwell's army, and afterward a Quaker living in Ireland,1 was in April, 1682, appointed by Penn surveyor- general of Pennsylvania, and sailed immediately for that province. As one of the three "Commissioners for Settling the Colony," he laid out the city of Philadelphia in the autumn of that year. He also drew up this map or plan of the city, which was printed in Lon- don in 1683 as part of the Letter to the Committee of the Free Society of Traders. It will be seen (page 224) that the title of the pamphlet refers to it, in the words, "with a Portraiture or Plat-form thereof [i. e.y of Philadelphia], wherein the Purchasers Lots are distinguished by certain numbers inserted, directing to a Catalogue of the said Purchasors Names." The catalogue is not reproduced in this vol- ume, but the explanation of the city's plan will be found in its place, near the map. The original map measures 11 J x 17J inches; our reproduction is reduced about two-fifths in each dimension.
The plan here presented did not in all details remain permanently in effect. From the Delaware River to Eleventh Street, indeed — counting the Delaware water-front, or Front Street, as the first — it is substantially the plan of the corresponding area of the present city. But as early as 1684, all the streets west of the eleventh were moved eastward, and the street marked Broad Street on the " Por- traiture," and still so called, became the fourteenth instead of the twelfth; while the street next east of the Schuylkill water-front re- mained, and still remains, Twenty-Second Street.
J. F. J.
1 A fuller account of his life may be seen on p. 242, note 1; a letter from him on p. 292.
CONTENTS
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA, WEST NEW JERSEY .
AND DELAWARE
Edited by Albert Cook Myers
PAOB
From the "Korte Historiael ende Journaels Aenteyckeninge," by
David Pietersz. de Vries, 1630-1633, 1644 (1655) ... 1
Introduction 3
De Vries becomes a Patroon of New Netherland .... 7
The Patroons send the Swanendael Colony to South Bay ... 8
De Vries's Voyage to America, 1632 9
In the West Indies 10
Arrives in South Bay 15
Indian Story of Ill-fated Swanendael 16
Peace with the Indians there; Whaling 17
De Vries sails up South River for Corn 18
Sees Deserted Fort Nassau 18
Beaver Trading with the River Indians 19
Return to Swanendael for more Goods 21
Sails up the River a Second Time 21
Meets the Inland Minquas Indians at Fort Nassau .... 23
Report of Minquas Victories over River Indians 24
Description of the River and Bay 25
Sails for Virginia 26
De Vries's Second Voyage to South Bay, 1644 26
Sails up the River a Third Time; Swedish Fort Nya Elfsborg . . 27
Fort Nya Goteborg; Hospitality of Governor Printz .... 28
Sails to Virginia 29
Relation of Captain Thomas Yong, 1634 31
Introduction 33
Yong's Quest for Northwest Passage; to Delaware River ... 37
Defeated River Indians in Hiding from Minquas .... 38
The Minquas come aboard with Presents of Green Corn ... 39
They promise Beaver Trade 40
Yong takes Possession of the Country for the English .... 41
vii
viii CONTENTS
pass
Makes Peace with the River Indians .40
Promises them Aid against the Minquas 41
Trades with the River Indians for Beaver 43
Arrives within Nine Miles of the Falls of Delaware .... 44
Asserts his English Claim against the Dutch from Manhattan . . 44
His Lieutenant explores the New Jersey Coast 46
The Indians describe the Sources of the Delaware .... 47
Description of the River; Animals and Plants 47
The Dutch appear a Second Time 49
From the "Account of the Swedish Churches in New Sweden," by
Reverend Israel Acrelius, 1759 51
Introduction 53
The Dutch in North America 57
William Usselinx's Proposition for a Swedish Trading Company . 58
Confirmed by King Gustavus Adolphus 58
Peter Minuit's Renewal of the Project; Support from Oxenstierna . 59
Minuit brings Swedish Colony to the Delaware 60
The First Swedish Settlement at Fort Christina, 1638 .... 61
The Dutch Protest against the Swedish Colony 62
Peter Hollender Ridder, the Second Governor of New Sweden . . 64
Johan Printz, Third Governor of New Sweden, arrives, 1643 . . 65
Further Protests of the Dutch 66
They build Fort Casimir, 1651 67
Its Rival Swedish Fort Nya Elfsborg 67
Other Swedish Forts and Settlements 68
Relations of the Swedes with the Indians 69
Their Land Dealings with the Indians 72
Indian Customs 73
Governor Printz's High Hand with the Dutch 74
Dutch and Swedes eject New Englanders from the Delaware . . 76
Weakness of the Dutch on the Delaware 77
Finances of the Swedish Colony 78
Governor Printz leaves the Colony 78
Early Swedish Ministers; Madam Papegoya and Tinicum ... 80
Affidavit of Four Men from the " Key of Calmar," 1638 . . 83
Introduction 85
The Four Men 86
Their Arrival with Minuit in the Minquas Kill 87
How Five Indian Sachems ceded Land to the Swedes ... 87
The Country called New Sweden; Fort Christina built ... 88
Report of Governor Johan Printz, 1644 91
Introduction 93
Goods for the Indian Trade 95
Cargo of Beaver Skins and Tobacco sent to Sweden .... 96
The Virginia Tobacco Trade 97
CONTENTS ix
PAQB
State of the People of New Sweden 98
The Colony's Crops 99
Description of the Settlements 99
Relations with the Dutch and Puritans 100
Misadventures of Sir Edward Plowden in Virginia .... 101
Depredations of the Indians in Manhattan, Virginia, and Maryland . 102
Distrust of River Indians; Uncertain Peace with them . . . 103
Beaver Trade with the Minquas, not with River Indians . . . 104
Boat Building 105
Printz desires Assistant for Latin Correspondence with Neighboring
Governments 106
Desires Instructions as to Free and Criminal Settlers .... 106
Desires Provision for Entertainment of Guests of Consequence . . 107
Cattle brought from Manhattan 107
Desires Recall 108
Suggests Swedish Privateering on the Spanish Main . . . .110
List of the Inhabitants of New Sweden 110
Register of Deaths 115
Report of Governor Johan Printz, 1647 117
Introduction 119
Returns Cargo of Tobacco ... 120
Improvements; Possibilities of Country 120
The People; Fort Nya Goteborg burnt; Church built there . . 121 First Grist Mill; Journey to Minquas Land, 230 Miles . . .122
Dutch Obstruction of the Indian Trade 123
Cattle; Barge built; Needs of the Colony 124
Indians at Peace 125
Renewal of Previous Recommendations 126
Another Appeal for Recall 128
Johan Papegoya sent Home to report 129
Report of Governor Johan Rising, 1654 131
Introduction 133
Colony recovering from Mutiny and Illness; Provisions needed . . 136 Desires full Judicial Authority; Colonists' Complaint of Ex-Governor
Printz 137
Great Advantages of the River; Andreas Hudde's Map of it . . 138
Commercial Possibilities; Plans for Fostering Agriculture . . . 139
Advocates Trading Passage from Elk River to Christina Kill . . 140
Mill Sites in Christina Kill; Advises Occupation of Hoere Kill . . 140
Suggests other Industries, and a Supply of Artisans .... 141
Town Lots surveyed at Christina; Trinity's Twenty Houses . . 142
Trade Conditions; Cargo needed for Minquas 143
Sloop in New England for Supplies . 145
Excise Duties 146
Military Affairs 146
Full Records of Colony's Property kept 147
x CONTENTS
paob
Land Titles; need for Closer Supervision 148
Population, 370 Souls 149
Church Affairs 150
Report of Governor Johan Rising, 1655 153
Introduction 155
Hopes for Relief; Necessitous Conditions; Threatening Lenape . . 156
Maryland ruining Minquas Trade 157
Menaces of Dutch and English 158
Elk River Land purchased from Minquas 159
Abortive Industrial Plans; Long Delays will be Fatal . . . 160
Shipping and Commercial Possibilities 161
Supplies of Last Year from New Haven 162
Cleared Land doubled and planted with Corn 163
House-building at Christina; Forts there and at Trinity strengthened . 164
Relation of the Surrender of New Sweden, by Governor Johan
Clason Rising, 1655 167
Introduction 169
Governor Stuyvesant with Dutch Fleet descends upon New Sweden . 170
Recaptures Fort Casimir 171
Siege of Fort Christina . . . . . . . . .173
Pillage of the Swedish Settlements 174
Surrender of Fort Christina and New Sweden 176
The Epistle of Penn, Lawrie and Lucas, respecting West Jersey, 1676 177
Introduction
Description of West Jersey disclaimed and corrected . Land Title of West Jersey; Penn, Lawrie, and Lucas, Trustees Quakers receive First Offer of Lands ....
Settlers cautioned not to make heedless Removals
The Present State of the Colony of West-Jersey, 1681
Introduction
Flourishing Towns and Farms; Abundant and Varied Products Industries and Trades; Soil and Climate .... Laws made by Proprietors and Freemen; Religious Freedom Method of Land Sales; Information for Emigrants
179 182 183 184 185
187 189 191 192 192 193
Some Account of the Province of Pennsylvania, by William Penn,
1681 197
Introduction 199
Colonies of the Ancients 202
Benefits from Colonies 203
True Causes for Decrease of Population 204
Colonies a Market for the Mother Country 206
Pennsylvania and its Advantages 207
The Constitutions; Conditions as to Purchasers, Renters, Servants . 208
CONTENTS xi
PAGB
Desirable Kinds of Colonists 209
Equipment; the Voyage; First Work 210
Abstract of Penn's Charter for Pennsylvania 211
Penn desires Settlers not to come inconsiderately . . . .215
Letter from William Penn to the Committee of the Free Society
of Traders, 1683 217
Introduction 219
Description of the Province of Pennsylvania 225
Animals and Plants 228
The Indians 230
The Dutch and Swedes 237
Topography, Population, Government 238
Philadelphia; Situation and Improvements 239
The Free Society of Traders 240
A Short Advertisement of the City of Philadelphia .... 242
Letter of Thomas Paschall, 1683 245
Introduction 247
Healthful Country 250
Extent and Character of Settlements 251
The Swedes and Finns; Products and Prices 252
Plants and Animals; Indians 253
Markets; the Land 254
A Further Account of the Province of Pennsylvania, by William
Penn, 1685 255
Introduction 257
Progress of the Province; Extent and Variety of Population . . 259
Philadelphia and its Improvements 260
Country Settlements; Townships 263
Products of the Earth; Soil, Crops, Fruits, the Vine .... 264
Products of the Water; Whales, Varieties of Fish .... 265
Prices, Grain Crops, Stock, Dairying, Brewing 266
Robert Turner's Letter, 1685 268
Orchards, Crops, Fruits 268
Philadelphia's Advancement; First Brick House, 1684;
Other Building Operations 269
Whaling and Fisheries 272
Germantown's Linen Manufactures 272
Prospective Staples of Trade 273
How Adventurers may best invest 273
Indians; the Government; the Voyage 276
Letters of Doctor Nicholas More, and Others, 1686 . . . 279
Introduction 281
Pennsylvania's Rich Crops and Provisions; Prices; Exports . . 285
Vineyards; Wine 287
xii CONTENTS
Fin
Letters of James Harrison and Penn's Gardener; Penn's Flourishing
Plantation 289
Of Robert Turner; Crops, Prices, Building .... 290 Of David Lloyd; Ships and Passengers arriving; Penn's
Vineyard 291
Of Thomas Holme; Purchase of Indian Lands . . . 292
Of James Claypoole; Whale Fishery 292
A Short Description of Pennsilvania, by Richard Frame, 1692 . 295
Introduction 297
Wild and Domestic Animals 300
Crops; Plants; Fruits 301
Metals; Timber 302
Inhabitants; Indians 302
Felling the Primitive Forest; Houses 303
Towns and Townships; Germantown and its Linen and Paper . . 304
An Historical and Geographical Account of Pensilvania and of
West-New-Jersey, by Gabriel Thomas, 1698 . . . 307
Introduction 309
Dedication to William Penn 313
Preface 314
Pennsylvania; Bounds; Indians; Dutch, Swedes, Finns . . . 315
English Conquest; Penn's Grant 316
Philadelphia; Houses, Streets, Fairs, Markets; Other Towns . . 317
Climate; Agriculture; Streams; Metals; Coal 318
Fowl, Fish, Wild Animals, Fruits, Herbs 321
Counties; Varieties of Grain, Harvests, Stock, Bees .... 323
Land; Exports and Imports 324
Cheap Lands for Sale in City and Country 325
Artisans and Tradesmen; High Wages 326
Little need for Lawyers and Physicians 328
Cheap Food and Clothing; Causes for High Wages .... 328
Philadelphia; Wharves, Shipping, Stairs; Germantown Manufactures 329
Country-seats of the Gentry 332
Gardens; No Old Maids; Thomas's First Arrival .... 332
The Indians; Their Language exemplified 333
Religions; George Keith and his Schism 334
An Historical Description of the Province and Country of
West-New- Jersey, 1698 338
The Epistle 338
Preface to the Reader 339
West New Jersey; Bounds; Indians; an Indian Dialogue . . 340
The Dutch; First English Settlements; Salem 344
Burlington; Market, Wharves, Houses; Country-seats . . . 345
Gloucester 347
Religions; Climate; Products, Vegetable and Animal . . . 347
Timber; Rivers . . 349
CONTENTS xiii
PAOB
Thomas's Purpose in Writing 351
Special Commodities of the Counties 351
Circumstantial Geographical Description of Pennsylvania, by
Francis Daniel Pastorius, 1700 353
Introduction 355
To the Gentle Reader 360
Preface; Pastorius's Autobiography; Divisions of the Globe . . 361
The Fourth Division, America; Columbus, Vespucius . . . 365
Pennsylvania; the Swedes; William Penn and his Grant . . . 368
Penn's Charter 371
His Method and Terms for the Sale of Land 374
Pastorius buys Land for the German Company 375
His Report to the Company 375
Penn's Laws and Province 377
His First Arrival 379
Rising Towns; Germantown; Pastorius's Settlement .... 380
Indian Trade; Currency 382
Exports; the Vine; Weaving 383
Indians 383
Religions 387
The German Company; Pastorius's Voyage to Pennsylvania, 1683 . 388 Pastorius's "Positive Information from . . . Pennsylvania,"
1684 392
His Voyage in Detail; Crefelders 392
Meets William Penn; Penn's Character .... 396
The Land ; Poor Farming of the Swedes ; Immigration ; Products 397
Towns; Frankford; Germantown 399
Earlier German Inhabitants; the Indians; the German Com- pany's Lands 400
Pastorius's Philadelphia House and its Inscription . . 404
The Company's Germantown Tract; Its Needs in the Province 406
Penn's Popularity; Indian Withdrawal Inland; Caution . 409
Pastorius's Letter on Leaving the Old World, 1683 . . . .411
His Letter to Doctor Jacob Schutz of Frankfort, 168o . . .412
To his Father, 1691 413
Becomes First Mayor and Judge and draws up Laws of Germantown . 414
Further News from Germantown, 1693; Penn's Loss of Pennsylvania 416
Pastorius's Plea in Verse for Political Harmony 418
The Indians * 419
Pastorius's Marriage 421
His Latin Verse to Tobias Schumberg 422
His Letter of 1694; Quietism; Answers about the Indians . . . 424
Letter from Germantown, 1695; Restoration of William Penn . . 427
Letter from Germantown, 1697; Hope for French Peace . . . 429
Surviving Members of the German Company 430
Letter of Pastorius's Children to their Grandfather in Germany . 1697 . 431
Pastorius to his Father, 1697; French Seizure of Letters . . . 432
xiv CONTENTS
PAGB
To the Rector at Windsheim, Germany; Indians; Indian Dialogue . 433 To his Father, 1698; Perm's Government; Special Germantown
Government 435
Occupations of the Germantown People 436
Indian Government 437
Religious Worship in Germantown; Pastorius's Religious Views . . 438
History and Present Status of the German Company .... 440
William Penn's Accessibility 442
Latin Letter of Pastorius's Father to William Penn, 1698 . . . 443
Penn's Response in Latin, 1699 444
Still Further Information from Pennsylvania, 1699 .... 445
Another Letter from Pastorius's Children to their Grandfather, 1699 . 447
Letter of John Jones, 1725 449
Introduction 451
Migration of Thomas John Evans, Welshman, to Pennsylvania, 1681 . 455
He finds a Temporary Home with the Swedes 456
Arrival of Edward Jones and Other Welsh, 1682 .... 456
Evans's Settlement in Radnor, the Welsh Tract 458
Index 461
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
WEST NEW JERSEY AND DELAWARE
FROM THE "KORTE HISTORIAEL ENDE JOUR- NAELS AENTEYCKENINGE," BY DAVID PIETERSZ. DE VRIES, 1630-1633, 1643 (1655)
INTRODUCTION
The scene of action of the collection of narratives assem- bled in this volume is Delaware Bay and River, that broad waterway which lies central to what is not only the domain of three great commonwealths but in a deeply significant his- torical sense the keystone region of the American Nation. Of the twenty pieces selected, covering a period of three- quarters of a century, this first narrative, as well as the succeeding one by Captain Yong, brings clearly to view the low-lying forest shores of the great estuary in its primitive simplicity of the red man's day, untouched as yet, save for two abandoned sites, by the oncoming, all-transforming com- plexities of the white man's civilization. Explorers, traders, and adventurers, in the main under the auspices of the enter- prising Dutch, had made more or less brief visits to the ter- ritory, and the Dutch laid claim to it as a part of New Netherland. An economic incentive, the lure of the enriching beaver trade with the Minquas Indians of the Susquehanna and Allegheny River valleys, a traffic which was readily tapped from the Delaware, was the prime cause, in general, for this earlier interest, and, later, for settlement prior to the Dutch conquest. Very soon the expanding Swedish and English nations were to seek locations on the river and at intervals to come into effective competition with the Dutch for this profitable trade.
The following extracts are translated from a quaint little Dutch book, a small black-letter quarto of [8+] 192 pages, published at Alkmaar, Holland, in 1655. It bears this some- what lengthy title, so characteristic of books of that age:
3
4 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
Korte Historiael, ende Journaels Aenteyckeninge van verscheyden Voyagiens in de vier deelen des Wereldts-Ronde, als Europa, Africa, Asia, ende Anwika gedaen, Door D. David Pietersz. de Vries, Artillerij-Meester vande Ed: M: Heeren Gecommitteerde Raden van Staten van West-Vrieslandt ende H Noordenquartier. Waer in verhaelt werd wat Batailjes hy te Water gedaen heeft: Yder Landtschap zijn Gedierte, Gevogelt, wat soorte van Vissen, ende wat wilde Menschen naer H leven geconterfaeyt, ende van de Bosschen ende Ravieren met haer Vruchten. V Hoorn. Voor David Pietersz. de Vries, Artillerij-Meester van H Noorder- quartier. Tot Alckmaer, by Symon Cornelisz. Brekegeest, Anno 1655.
This title, as turned into English by the general editor in his sketch of the work and its author, in Narratives of New Netherland (1909), pages 183-185, reads: "Short Historical and Journal-Notes of various Voyages performed in the Four Quarters of the Globe, viz., Europe, Africa, Asia, and America, by David Pieterszoon de Vries, Artillery-Master to the Noble and Mighty Lords the Council of West Friesland and the North- ern Quarter [of the Province of Holland], wherein is set forth what Battles he delivered on the Water, Each Country, its Animals, its Birds, its Kinds of Fishes, and its Wild Men counterfeited to the Life, and its Woods and Rivers with their Products."
The illustrations, which seem to be etchings on copper, comprise an interesting portrait of the author and eighteen other plates, twelve of which depict American scenes but are for the most part appropriated from the earlier work of Champlain.
David Pieterszoon de Vries, the author, wrote these reminiscences of a quarter of a century of world voyaging, in the leisurely retirement of later years in his ancestral city of Hoorn, in North Holland. He was born in 1593 in Rochelle on the west coast of France, whither his father went from
INTRODUCTION 5
Hoorn, after the murder of William of Orange in 1584. His mother was of Amsterdam origin. When he was four years old his parents returned to Holland, and there De Vries chiefly lived, apparently in Hoorn, although he states that he was experienced in merchandising from his youth both in Holland and in France. He refers to partners in Amsterdam and Rochelle as concerned with him in his mercantile voyages. A religious man of strong Calvinistic convictions, he writes in a plain but vivid style and his book both internally and ex- ternally has well stood the tests of trustworthiness. His part in the voyages, although sometimes as commander, was usually as a supercargo. He was a bold and skilful seaman, and a considerable portion of the work is given to navigating and sailing directions.
The six voyages which De Vries describes began in 1618 — when he was a young man of twenty-five — with a voyage for grain to the Mediterranean, in which he took part in a suc- cessful engagement with some Turkish galleys off the coast of Greece. In his second voyage, 1620-1623, he went to New- foundland and carried a cargo of fish to the Mediterranean, where he won a notable fight against privateers off the Spanish coast and accepted a brief service under the Duke of Guise, admiral of France. From 1627 to 1630 he was occupied with his third voyage to the East Indies, of which he gives a long account.
The fourth, fifth, and sixth voyages were made to the New World. The first and last of these American voyages include accounts of two visits to the Delaware, both of which are here presented. The first of these extracts covers the first part of the fourth voyage, from the formation of the patroon- ship in 1630 to the departure of De Vries from the Delaware, March 6, 1633. The remainder of the voyage, the part omit- ted from our text, relates to Virginia and Manhattan and the return to Holland in midsummer of the same year. The
6 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
fifth voyage, 1634-1636, was taken up with the planting of a colony in Guiana and with trading trips to Manhattan and Virginia. In the sixth voyage, 1638-1644, De Vries was chiefly employed in vain attempts to establish settlements on Staten Island and at Tappaan (Vriesendael).1 Then he sailed again to the Delaware and from October 12 to 20, 1643, made a briefer visit to the river, as recounted in the second of the extracts of our text. After wintering in Virginia he arrived in Holland in June, 1644. Having now passed his fiftieth year, he withdrew from the adventurous life of the sea. Nothing seems to be known of him after the publication of his book.
All the parts of De Vries's book relating to Newfoundland, New Netherland, and Virginia, as translated and edited by Henry C. Murphy, were published in 1853 by James Lenox, and in 1857 by the New York Historical Society in its Collec- tions, second series, III. 1-129. The extracts concerning the Delaware, as here given, are taken from the Collections, pp. 15-32, 121-123, and carefully revised from the original Dutch text, pp. 94-107, 183-185, by Mr. A. J. F. van Laer, archivist of the state of New York.
A. C. M.
*For this period and the preceding visit to Manhattan, see Narratives of New Netherland, in this series, pp. 186-234.
FROM THE "KORTE HISTORIAEL ENDE JOUR- NAELS AENTEYCKENINGE," BY DAVID PIETERSZ. DE VRIES, 1630-1633, 1643 (1655)
After I had been at home from the Indies two months, I met, at Amsterdam, Samuel Godyn, a merchant, who bade me welcome, as an old acquaintance, and asked me where I came from? I said from the East Indies. In what capacity? I told him as supercargo. He inquired whether it was my intention to remain at home. I said, yes. But he asked me if I wished to go as a commander to New Netherland; they wanted to plant a colony there, and would employ me as sub- patroon, according to the privileges [approved] by the Lords States [General], and granted by the [Council of] Nineteen of the West India Company to all patroons. I gave him for answer that the business suited me well, but I must be a patroon, equal with the rest. He said that he was content that it should be so. So we five first took steps to establish this patroonship ; namely, Samuel Godyn, Gilliame van Rens- selaer, Bloemaert, Jan de Laet, and myself, David Pietersz. de Vries. But more were afterwards admitted into the com- pany; namely, Mathys van Ceulen, Nicolas van Sittorigh,1 Harinck Koeck,2 and Heyndrick Hamel, and we made a con- tract with one another, whereby we were all placed on the same footing. We then equipped a ship3 with a yacht for the
1 Given as Nicolaes van Sitterich in list of Directors of the x\msterdam Chamber of the West India Company, in de Laet, Historie ofte Iaerlijck Verhael.
3 Johan van Harinck-houck in the same list.
8 The ship De Walvis, of about 150 lasts, commanded by Captain Peter Heyes, with a cargo of bricks, provisions, a large stock of cattle and twenty-eight colonists, arrived in the Delaware in the spring of 1631. They made a settlement on the bank of the Hoorn (or Hoere) Kill, calling it Swanendael. "They engaged in whaling and farming and made suitable fortifications, so that in July of the same year their cows calved and their lands were seeded and covered with a fine crop." Five additional colonists joined the colony, probably from New Amster- dam, making the total number thirty-three. They built a brick house inside the palisades. Van Rensselaer Bonner Manuscripts, p. 240; Amandus Johnson, The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware, pp., 170-171.
7
8 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1630
purpose of prosecuting the voyage, as well to carry on the whale fishery in that region, as to plant a colony for the culti- vation of all sorts of grain, for which the country is very well adapted, and of tobacco. This ship with the yacht sailed from the Texel1 the 12th of December, with a number of people and a considerable number of animals, to settle our colony upon the South River, which lies in the thirty-eighth and a half degree, and to conduct the whale fishery there. As Godyn had been informed that many whales kept before the bay, and the oil was worth sixty guilders a hogshead, they thought that they might realize a good profit thereon and at the same time cultivate that fine country.
The 20th of the same month, we understood that our yacht was taken by the Dunkirkers the day after it ran out of the Texel, through the carelessness of the large ship, which had lagged behind the yacht, in which there was a large cargo, intended for exploration of the coast of New France. The large ship proceeded on the voyage, having on board some people to land at the island of Tortugas in the West Indies, which island we had made a contract with sixty Frenchmen to hold for us as a colony under their High Mightinesses the Lords States [General] and the West India Company.
Anno 1631. In September our ship returned from New Netherland and the West Indies. It was said to have dis- embarked a number of people on Tortugas, but [to have] found that the French had been killed by the Spaniards, and further [to have conveyed] the rest to the South River2 in New Netherland, and [it] brought a sample of oil from a dead whale found on the shore. [The captain] said that he arrived there too late in the year. This was a losing voyage to us; because this captain, Peter Heyes, of Edam, whom we had put in command, durst not sail by the way of the West Indies with only one ship of eighteen guns, where he must have made good the expense of this voyage. He was a person who was only accustomed to sail to Greenland, where they make the voyage in three or four months, and then come home.
1 The Texel, the island at the mouth of the Zuyder Zee in Holland.
2 This was the colony at Swanendael, present Lewes, Delaware, thus brought there in 1631 by the ship De Wcdvi*, and shortly after destroyed by the Indians »a hereafter recounted by De Vries.
1632] DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES tf
Anno 1632. The 12th of February we again entered into an agreement to equip a ship and yacht for the whale fishery, to which many objections were raised because we had had such a losing voyage, and no returns from the whale fishery, and saw no prospect of any. But Samuel Godyn encouraged us to make another attempt. He said the Greenland Com- pany had two bad voyages with Willem van Muyen, and after- wards became a thrifty company. It was therefore again re- solved to undertake a voyage for the whale fishery, and that I myself should go as patroon, and as commander of the ship and yacht, and should endeavor to be there in December, in order to conduct the whale fishing during the winter, as the whales come in the winter and remain till March.
Before sailing out of the Texel, we understood that our little fort1 had been destroyed by the Indians, the people killed — two and thirty men — who were outside the fort working the land.
The 24th May, sailed out of the Texel with the ship and yacht, with a northeast wind.
The 26th of the same month, at night, we ran aground through the carelessness of the mates, to whom I gave par- ticular directions, before I went to bed, to throw the lead fre- quently, and keep the freighter, which was a large ship, and drew full three feet more water than we did, upon our lee; but they not following their orders, we grounded upon the Bree-Banck2 before Dunkirk. We fired a shot, so that our companion came to anchor. My yacht came under my lee, but could not stand it there on account of the surf. I then made our crew lower the boat and also two Biscayan shallops3 and they fled the ship. But I would not leave, and kept both of the mates by me, who dared not leave me for shame, seeing that I remained aboard. Eight or nine plain sailors remained also and I then learned to know the crew well. Those men who had appeared fierce as lions, were the first to escape in the boat. Bumping and tossing along, we got into four fathoms water, where I let the anchor fall, and set to pump-
1 At Swanendael.
3 Bree-Banck, one of the largest shoals before Dunkirk, in France, about four miles from the coast.
* Convenient rowboats used by Basque fishermen.
10 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1632
ing and got the ship dry. At the same time, the day broke, when we saw our boat and the two sloops tossing about ; but when they saw the ship once more afloat they came on board again, and told us that had the night continued two hours longer, they would have headed for the lighthouse and rowed into Dunkirk. We weighed anchor again and sailed for the coast of England, and, on the 28th, ran into Portsmouth, and hauled the ship into the king's dock, where we repaired her.
The 10th of July, we sailed from Portsmouth to Cowes in the Isle of Wight.
The 12th of the same month, the ship New Netherland, of the West India Company, arrived here — a large ship, which was built in New Netherland, and which was bound for the West Indies, whither I had good company.
The 1st of August, with a good northeast wind, weighed anchor, and made sail with my ship and yacht, in company of the ship New Netherland.
The 2d, passed Land's End, and laid our course for the Canary Islands.
The 13th, we saw Madeira on our larboard, and a Turk came towards us, but as soon as he observed that we were stout ships, he hauled off from us, and we sailed for him. The evening growing dark, I fired a shot for my yacht to come by me. When night came on, we pursued our course, but the New Netherland followed the Turk by night, which seemed to us folly, because we had not got near him by day. We then separated from the New Netherland.
The 14th, towards evening, we saw the Isle of Palms on our lee, and set our course from thence to Barbados.
The 4th of September, we came in sight of Barbados, and the next day, the 5th, towards evening, arrived at the Island of St. Vincent. The Indians put out with their canoes and came on board of us. I observed the great astonishment of this people. Their canoes or boats getting full of water, they sprang overboard, and with great dexterity lifted up both ends with their shoulders in the water, emptied out the water, and then clambered in again ; many of our people, in such cir- cumstances, would have drowned, if their boat got full of water, and they had no other aid than their bodies and the sea. While here, we had fifteen good [supplies of] refreshments,
1632] DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES 11
bananas, pine-apples, and various Indian fruits. We anchored in the Great Channel in 23 fathoms.
On the 5th, arrived here also the ship New Netherland, which was separated from us at Madeira.
On the 8th, we weighed anchor, and passed by the islands of Martinique, Dominica, Guadeloupe, Montserrat, Redonde, and Nevis, arrived the 20th1 before St. Christopher, where we found some English ships, and obtained a supply of water.
The 11th, weighed anchor, in order to sail to St. Martin. Half-way between St. Martin and St. Christopher, we met a French ship with a large sloop in company, which veered con- siderably towards us, as if he sought to commit some hostility towards us, but I kept my course and spoke him not. I let the prince's flag2 fly aloft, and the red flag behind. When he saw this, he hauled off and passed at a good distance on my lee. Towards evening, we arrived at the roadstead of St. Mar- tin and let our anchor fall. We found before the fort three flutes3 under Dirck Femmesz. of Hoorn, two from Water- land,4 and the third an Englishman.
The 11th of September, as I lay before the fort with my yacht, the above-named master of the flutes came on board, and inquired if I had not met a French ship. I said, "Yes, sir." And whether he had not attacked me? I said, "No." Had we been a small ship, he perhaps would have done so : for he [Femmesz.] said that he [the Frenchman] had sworn to pay off the first Hollander whom he should meet, because they had shot and killed two of his men from the flute, which was not creditable to them. He told me that this French ship had come into the harbor some days ago, and that the captain was a Knight of Malta, and the vessel a royal yacht of the King of France, in search of Spaniards. When he was taken ashore by the commander of the fort, he inquired whether there was any one who could speak French. The captain of the soldiers understanding French, he requested that the captain might
1 Evidently a misprint for the 10th.
2 The flag of Prince Frederick Henry of Orange-Nassau, stadtholder of the Dutch republic.
3 A fluit (flute) is a three-master of about 600 to 700 tons burden.
4 Waterland, a district in the province of North Holland, between Amsterdam and Monnickendam.
12 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1632
go with him to interpret what should be said. So the cap- tain went from the fort with this knight in his skiff to the flutes. Having reached them, the Knight desired that they should sell him a barrel of tar, for money and kind words, as they had enough and he had long sailed in the West Indies; but they gave him a rude answer — that they did not wish to have him in their ships — if the captain of the fort wished to come on board their ships he might, but he must depart with the boat. The Knight stood perplexed at such an answer, when he had met them with every courtesy. At length he said to the captain, his interpreter, that they would return to the fort, [as] he wished to make his complaints to the commander-in-chief. Coming to the commander, he ex- hibited his royal commission, and inquired of the commander whether he had not as much right to go in the roadstead where these flutes were, as they? — that they were friends; — that all the ports and harbors in France were open to us. The commander said, "Yes." Then the Frenchman weighed anchor, and wished to come to anchor by them in order to ca- reen his ship a little, as the water was shallow there. When they saw the Frenchman had weighed his anchor, they hauled one behind the other, and began to fire upon him, and shot two of his men; when the Frenchman again let his anchor fall, went to the fort and complained of the hostilities which these brutes had committed against him, and desired that the commander, with his officers, should take note thereof; and made his protest. But he was lost on his return voyage, with his ship, people and all, which has caused great comfort to these shipmasters, as he would otherwise have made sport enough for them; but the quarrel was thereby terminated. This we learned afterwards.
The 12th of September, I had room made in the ship [to take in salt], in case the whale fishery in New Netherland should fail, as salt brought a good price in the Fatherland. This day the ship New Netherland arrived here, which I had left lying at St. Vincent to refresh. With her arrived the ship Gelderia, which belonged also to the Company, and also two flutes from Hoorn; of one of these, Cornells Jansz. Niels was master; the other flute was the Falcon, and the master was named Gerrit Jansz.
1632] DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES 15
The 27th of this month, we had our cargo of salt, as much as we wanted, and made ourselves again ready to sail to Nevis, to take in wood and water, because they were both better there than at St. Christopher, and there is also a fine sandy bay for the boats to land. The captains of the flutes, who had committed the hostilities against the Frenchman, inquired of me whether they might sail with me to Nevis, in order to pro- vide themselves with wood and water, so as to sail directly for Holland, as they were afraid of the Frenchman, who had called out to them that he wished to meet them when they went to take in water; and they did not mount more than six or eight guns. I gave them for answer, that I was willing that they should sail with me, because they were our citizens, but that I could not prevent any hostility of the Frenchman happening to them, since my ship was no more defensible than theirs. If they wished, however, to sail with me, they could.
The 29th, weighed anchor with my yacht to get under sail, but they remained. By evening I arrived before the island of Nevis. I went ashore to the governor, an Englishman, named Luttelton.1 He requested me to take aboard some captive Portuguese, and to put them, on my way to St. Christopher, on board an English ship called Captain Stoon's;2 which I could not refuse him, if I had them only three or four hours in the ship. Maerten Thysz.,3 from Zeeland, had put these Portuguese ashore here.
The 1st of November, took my leave of the governor of Nevis, and weighed anchor. At noon, came to the great road- stead where the English are. There was a governor, named Sir Warnar.4 Here I immediately got rid of the Portuguese
1 Littleton.
2 Captain John Stone (d. 1634), who figures also in the narratives of William Bradford, of Plymouth, and John Winthrop, of Boston, was an Englishman living for a time on the island of St. Christopher in the West Indies and later in Virginia, whence he engaged with his vessel in the intercolonial trade He was not over-scrupulous in his conduct and dealings; for instance, he made the Dutch Governor Van Twiller drunk in order to secure consent to seize a Plymouth bark laden with furs. His murder by the Indians on his own ship in the Connecticut River was one of the immediate causes of the Pequot war in New England.
■ Probably Admiral Maarten Thijssen, who later became famous in Swedish naval service under the name of Martin Thijson Anckarhjelm.
4 Sir Thomas Warner (d. 1649), the English governor of the island of St. Christopher, appointed to that office in 1627 and knighted in 1629.
14 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA (1632
prisoners, gave them over to the Englishman, who wished to sail in company with me to St. Martin.
The 2d, weighed anchor, with my yacht and the English- man, of London, who had the Portuguese prisoners, whom he was to carry to Porto Rico. He left his barge behind, to follow him with some goods to St. Martin. We arrived in the evening at the anchorage before St. Martin, where we found the whole fleet there still which we had left there. I asked the captains of the flutes why they had not followed me when I weighed anchor. They answered that they thanked me for the offer which I had made them, but they had determined to remain by each other, and expected that they would be ready together, and the Gelderland would go with them.
The 4th, the Englishman, expecting his boat from St. Chris- topher, knew not what it meant that it staid so long, as it should have followed us at noon. This Englishman wished much to sail with me to the latitude of Porto Rico, which I must pass.
The 5th of this month, took my leave at the fort of our governor and the captains, and weighed anchor with my yacht also; having a fair sail set, I could not wait longer for the Englishman's boat. We understood afterwards that this boat was placed in great distress; that it was driven to the leeward by a strong wind, and being in want of provisions and water, the men cast lots whom they should first kill for the others to eat for food; having at length felled one, they fed themselves therewith, till they finally reached the island of Saba, where they subsisted on what they found there, and were afterwards recovered in great distress, but he who was eaten up for their subsistence was gone.
The 14th, in the thirty-second degree of latitude, the Ber- mudas to the east of us, encountered a severe storm from the northwest, and it was sheer luck that we managed to take in our sails; all around the waters swirled as if it were an hurri- cane; it blew so, that standing beside each other we could not understand each other. I feared when I saw the yacht, that it would finally capsize, so dreadful was it to see so small a yacht, of ten lasts, save itself from such a storm. This storm continued until the 18th, but towards the last the wind veered entirely west.
1632] DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES 15
The 1st of December, threw the lead, in the thirty-ninth degree of latitude, in fifty-seven fathoms, sandy bottom; found out afterwards that we were then fourteen or fifteen leagues1 from the shore. This is a flat coast. Wind westerly.
The 2d, threw the lead in fourteen fathoms, sandy bottom, and smelt the land, which gave a sweet perfume, as the wind came from the northwest, which blew off land, and caused these sweet odors. This comes from the Indians setting fire, at this time of year, to the woods and thickets, in order to hunt; and the land is full of sweet-smelling herbs, as sassafras, which has a sweet smell. When the wind blows out of the northwest, and the smoke is driven to sea, it happens that the land is smelt before it is seen. The land can be seen when in from thirteen to fourteen fathoms. Sand-hills are seen from the thirty-fourth to the fortieth degree, and the hills rise up full of pine-trees, which would serve as masts for ships.
The 3d of the same month, saw the mouth of the South2 Bay, or South River, and anchored on sandy ground at ten fathoms; because it blew hard from the northwest, which is from the shore, and as we could not, in consequence of the hard wind, sail in the bay, we remained at anchor.
The 5th, the wind southwest, we weighed anchor, and sailed into the South Bay, and in the afternoon lay, with our yacht, in four fathoms water, and saw immediately a whale near the ship. Thought this would be royal work — the whales so numerous — and the land so fine for cultivation.
The 6th, we went with the boat into the river,3 well armed, in order to see if we could speak with any Indians, but coming by our house,4 which was destroyed, found it well beset with palisades in place of breastworks, but it was almost burnt up. Found lying here and there the skulls and bones of our people whom they had killed, and the heads of the horses and cows which they had brought with them, but perceived no Indians and, without having accomplished anything, returned on board,
1 "Fourteen or fifteen [Dutch] miles," or English leagues; forty-two or forty-five English miles, the Dutch mile being equal to three English miles.
* Called Delaware Bay by the English.
• The Hoorn or Hoere Kill, the present Lewes Creek, in Delaware. ! At Swanendael, now Lewes, Delaware.
16 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1032
and let the gunner fire a shot in order to see if we could find any trace of them the next day.
The 7th, in the morning, we thought we saw some smoke near our destroyed house; we landed opposite the house, on the other side of the river, where there is a beach with some dunes. Coming to the beach, looked across the river towards the house where we had been the day before, and where we thought in the morning we had seen signs of smoke, but saw nothing. I had a cousin of mine with me from Rotterdam, named Heyndrick de Liefde, and as a flock of gulls was flying over our heads, I told him to shoot at it, as he had a fowling- piece with him, and he shot one on the wing, and brought it down. With it came a shout from two or three Indians, who were lying in the brush on the other side of the river by the destroyed house. We called to them to come over to us. They answered that we must come into the river with our boat. We promised to do so in the morning, as the water was then low, and that we would then talk with them, and we went back to the ship. Going aboard, we resolved to sail in the river with the yacht, as otherwise in an open boat we might be in danger of their arrows.
The 8th of December, we sailed into the river before our destroyed house, well on our guard. The Indians came to the edge of the shore, near the yacht, but dared not come in. At length, one ventured to come aboard the yacht, whom we presented with a cloth dress, and told him we desired to make peace. Then immediately more came running aboard, ex- pecting to obtain a dress also, whom we presented with some trinkets, and told the one to whom we had given the cloth garment, that we had given it to him because he had most confidence in us — that he was the first one who came in the yacht, and should they come the next day with their chief called Sakimas, we would then make a firm peace, which they call rancontyn marenit. An Indian remained on board of the yacht at night, whom we asked why they had slain our people, and how it happened. He then showed us the place where our people had set up a column, to which was fastened a piece of tin, whereon the arms of Holland1 were painted. One
1 Hollandtsche-Thuyn, literally, Holland yard, or enclosure, referring to the emblem of the Seven United Provinces, which shows the Dutch lion defending
1632] DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES 17
of their chiefs took this off for the purpose of making tobacco- pipes, not knowing that he was doing amiss. Those in com- mand at the house made such an ado about it, that the Ind- ians, not knowing how it was, went away and slew the chief who had done it, and brought a token of the dead to the house to those in command, who told them that they wished they had not done it, that they should have brought him to them, as they wished to have forbidden him to do the like again. They then went away, and the friends of the mur- dered chief incited their friends — as they are a people like the Italians, who are very revengeful — to set about the work of vengeance. Observing our people out of the house, each one at his work, that there was not more than one inside, who was lying sick, and a large mastiff, who was chained — had he been loose they would not have dared to approach the house — and the man who had command, standing near the house, three of the bravest Indians, who were to do the deed, bringing a lot of beaver-skins with them to exchange, asked to enter the house. The man in charge went in with them to make the barter; which being done, he went down from the loft where the stores lay, and in descending the stairs, one of the Indians seized an axe, and cleft the head of our agent who was in charge so that he fell down dead. They also relieved the sick man of life ; and shot into the dog, who was chained fast, and whom they most feared, twenty-five arrows before they could despatch him. They then proceeded towards the rest of the men, who were at their work, and going among them with pretensions of friendship, struck them down.1 Thus was our young colony destroyed, causing us serious loss.
The 9th, the Indians came to us with their chiefs, and sitting in a ring, made peace. Gave them some presents of duffels,2 bullets, hatchets, and various Nuremberg trinkets. They promised to make a present to us, as they had been out a-hunting. They then departed again with great joy of us, that we had not remembered what they had done to us, which
Dutch territory, represented by a Hon rampant inside a stockade, the lion holding in his right paw a sword and in his left paw a bundle of seven arrows, with the motto: Eendracht maakt Macht (In Unity is Strength).
1 The colonists were all killed save one Theunis Willemsen.
a A kind of coarse cloth.
18 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1633
we suffered to pass, because we saw no chance of revenging it, as they dwelt in no fixed place. We began to make prepara- tions to send our sloops to sea, and to set up a kettle for whale-oil, and to erect a lodging-hut of boards.
Anno 1633. The 1st of January, at about eight o'clock in the morning, I sailed with the yacht, the Squirrel, up the South River, to see whether I could obtain any beans from the Indians, as our stock-fish was consumed, and the porridge, now doubled, began to grow short. Towards evening we stopped, as it was calm, and the ice, which the tide brought down, opposed us, and we cast anchor in eight fathoms. Saw a whale at the mouth of the South River.
The 2d, in the morning, fine and pleasant, saw two large whales near the yacht. Wished much that we could have had the shallops, with the harpooners, which were lying at Swan- endael. We weighed anchor with the tide, and by evening came a good mile before Reed Island,1 where we cast anchor, and saw fires on the land. Supposed that they were made by Indians out a-hunting; but an hour afterwards a canoe came alongside. They said that they were a-hunting, but would not come aboard, from which we drew unfavorable conclu- sions; but they answered they would come aboard early in the morning.
The 4th, after we had chopped some wood, as it began to freeze, weighed anchor with the tide, made sail, and entered about a cannon-shot past Red Hook,2 where we anchored before a kill, because it began to freeze; so that in case the ice should stop us, we could haul in there to secure the yacht.
The 5th, we weighed anchor in the morning, and sailed before the little fort named Fort Nassau,3 where formerly some families of the West India Company had dwelt. Some Indians had begun to gather there and wished to barter furs,
1 Evidently the present Reedy Island.
3 Red Hook, near Mantes, now Mantua Creek, New Jersey. "Mantaes hoeck . . . about a long half league below the destroyed " Fort Nassau (Andreas Hudde, in 1662).
« Fort Nassau, built by the Dutch in 1623 and occupied by them at intervals until the building of Fort Casimir, 1651, was on the Delaware River near the •outh side of the mouth of the present Big Timber Creek, Gloucester County, New Jersey.
1633] DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES 19
but I desired to trade for their Turkish beans,1 because we had no goods to exchange for peltries, and our stores had been given away at Swanendael for the purpose of making the peace, so that there were not more than two pieces of cloth left of our goods, and two kettles, for which we wanted corn. As far as we could observe, the Indians were very scrupulous.* They told us that we ought to haul into the Timmer Kill.8 There was a squaw of the Sanki tans,4 who cautioned us not to go entirely into the kill, as she knew that they intended to make an attack upon us. When we told her that if she would relate to us everything in regard to the attack, we would give her a cloth garment, as we did, she confessed to us that in Count Ernest's River5 they had seized a shallop with Eng- lishmen and killed the Englishmen.
The 6th, we weighed anchor, and came before the Timmer Kill, where we made everything ready, to see what the Indians would do. While lying there, a crowd of Indians came march- ing up, bringing beaver-skins with them, and boarding the yacht forty-two or forty-three strong. A portion of them began to play tunes with reeds, in order that they might not cause in us any suspicion, but we kept ourselves strictly upon our guard, as there were only seven of us in the yacht, and there were forty-two or forty-three of the Indians. When we found the traffic at its height, we ordered them to go ashore immediately, or we would shoot them all. Their sachem took an armful of beaver-skins which he wanted to present to us in order to tempt us, but we desired them not, and gave him for answer that they must make their way to the shore, as we knew that they had evil designs in their heads, that Manetoe (that is, the Devil, whom they call Manetoe) had told us so. They went ashore again, and their villainy was frustrated, God be praised and thanked! If one is a little on his guard against this people, there is, with God's help, no difficulty with the Indians. But, as far as I can observe, those that are in the Company's sloops give the Indians too much liberty, and so accidents occur which otherwise, with friendship, might
1 Indian corn. ■ Shy.
' The present Big Timber Creek, in Gloucester County, New Jersey.
1 Or Sankikans. Delaware Indians, living at the falls at Trenton, and above.
* Not identified.
20 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1633
be prevented. These Indians were from Red Hook, otherwise called Mantes, and had a number of English jackets * on, which gave me more cause of suspicion, as those were not clothing for them, or trading goods. When they were all on land again, there soon came three or four others, who desired that we would trade for their goods; but we answered them that we did not want any beaver-skins, but wished corn for food.
The 7th, the chief, whom they call sackima, of the Arme- wanninge, another but neighboring nation, came to us. His name was Zee Pentor, and to him we interpreted our advent- ure. He said he had heard that they had been on board of our boat strong. He requested us to return soon to the Timmer Kill with the yacht, whereat I was suspicious. I told my in- terpreter to ask him why he was not willing to bring the corn here. He answered that where we were lying, it was too muddy and low to get on board, and it was too cold to go through the mud. So we said to him that we would go to the fort again, where it was hard and dry to come aboard, with which he was well content, and was again conveyed to the shore, saying that when we arrived at the fort, he would come aboard again.
The 8th, weighed anchor early in the morning, and came to again before the fort, which we saw was full of Indians, and more and more constantly coming. This gave us no favorable impression, because of the great numbers of the Indians. When they had all assembled in the fort, a canoe— which is a boat hollowed out of a tree— came at last from the fort to board us, in which were nine chiefs, sachems from nine different places. I saw among them the one who had intended to de- stroy us; he had thrown off the English clothes, and put on those made of skins, of which I immediately warned my inter- preter. The nine seated themselves in a circle and called us to them, saying they saw that we were afraid of them, but that they came to make a lasting peace with us, whereupon they made us a present of ten beaver-skins, which one of them gave us, with a ceremony with each skin, saying in whose name he presented it; that it was for a perpetual peace with us, and that we must banish all evil thoughts from us, for they had
1 Kaesjacken, probably intended for "cassocks."
1633] DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES 21
now thrown away all evil. I wanted to make presents to them through the interpreter, to each one an axe, adze, and pair of knives, but they refused them, declaring that they had not made us presents in order to receive others in return, but for the purpose of a firm peace, which we took for truth.
The 8th of January, we wished to give them something for their wives, but they said we must give it to them on shore. As it was late, they went ashore again, and said they would come the next day with corn, and they sent aboard that evening seven or eight youth, which showed a good peace with them.
The 9th, they came aboard again in the morning, and brought Indian corn of different colors, for which we ex- changed duffels, kettles, and axes. We also obtained some beaver-skins, all in good feeling. There came that day about fifty of them into the yacht, but we kept ourselves constantly on our guard.
The 10th, in the morning, traded for some beaver and corn; and in the afternoon drifted off with the ebb tide, and in the evening went aground on the shoal near Jaques Island,1 where we remained one tide.
The 11th, weighed anchor in the morning, and by evening arrived about a league and a half above Minqua's Kill,2 where we anchored, and saw a whale there that evening, which spouted six or seven times. We were surprised to see a whale seven or eight leagues up into fresh water.
The 12th, weighed anchor again, and arrived at the mouth of the river; in the evening we came to anchor where the thicket is.
The 13th, weighed anchor with the ebb, and at noon came to the ship at Swanendael, where our men were rejoiced to see us. We found that they had shot two whales, but they fur- nished little oil.
The 18th, the goods were placed in our yacht, and we sailed again up the South River. By evening arrived between Minqua's Kill and Reed Island, where we came to anchor. It
1 Jaques or Jacob's (James's) Island, as given on Lindstrom's map of 1655, was probably Chester Island.
2 Minquas Kill, now Christina Creek, which flows into Delaware River at Wilmington, Delaware.
22 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1633
began to freeze. We anchored here because the tide was running down.
The 19th, weighed anchor with the tide, and came within a league of Jaques Island. As it began to freeze, and it was difficult to go on, it became necessary to haul into a kill which was near us. Found it a fine creek, where the water was two fathoms deep at high tide; but the current was strong, and [the creek] not above thirty feet wide. The ice began to trouble us some by the rubbing of the current. We quickly cut a number of trees, and fastened them in the ground, before and behind, in order to lie clear of the ice. This is a fine country, in which many vines grow wild, so that we gave it the name of Wyngsert's Kill.1 Went out daily, while here, to shoot. Shot many wild turkeys, weighing from thirty to thirty-six pounds. Their great size and very fine flavor are surprising. We were frozen up in this kill from the 19th to the 3rd of February. During this time, perceived no Indians, though we saw here and there, at times, great fires on the land, but we saw neither men nor canoes, because the river was closed by the ice.
The 3d of February, we hauled out of the kill, as the river was open again, and sailed to Fort Nassau, where we had left the Indians before, but found no one there now, and saw no Indians. It began to freeze again, and we hauled into a kill over against the fort, as we were apprehensive, if we should be frozen in there, we might be in danger. When we had lain in this kill eight days to avoid the ice flow, there came a canoe, in which sat an old Indian with a squaw, who brought with them some maize and beans, of which we bought a quan- tity. We could not understand from the Indian how it was that we saw no Indians. It seemed as if he were unwilling to tell us; he always looked frightened as if he were fleeing, ran frequently ashore, looked to and fro, so that we could perceive there must be something. They hauled the next day out of the kill, and passed between the cakes of ice and the shore, which we could not do with our yacht.
The 11th, full fifty Indians came over the river from the
1 Wyngaert's Kill, if Jaques Island is correctly identified as Chester Island, was evidently Chester Creek, within one Dutch or three English miles of Jaques Island.
1633] DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES 23
fort upon the ice, with pieces of canoes, directly to our yacht, into which they could step from the shore, and spoke to us. They were Minquas,1 who dwell north of the English of Vir- ginia [colony]. They came on a warlike expedition, and six hundred more were to come. They are friendly to us, but it would not do to trust them too far, as they do anything for plun- der. I determined, as the flood-tide began to make, that we must haul into the mouth of the kill, so that they could not come upon us on foot and master us, which would never do. Hauling out of the kill about five-and-twenty paces, we could not get any further, because there was not water enough. I told the master of the yacht that he must direct the crew to throw some ballast overboard, but he could not induce them to do it. I then went to them, and asked them whether they would rather trust to the mercy of these barbarians, or throw away the ballast. They answered that while we were in the river, our lives were at the mercy of the ice. I replied that God, who had so long aided us, would help us. Finally, I said that I had three flasks of brandy in my locker, and would give them one of them, if they would throw the ballast over- board, and we would all help to do it. When the yacht got afloat, we were driven by the current and with the ice and the ebb tide, which was almost spent, a thousand paces below the kill, between two high pieces of ice, which had fallen on the shore; this happened at nightfall. They all raised a great shout, when they saw that we were driven nearer to the river. In the morning, at daybreak, they saw that we were lying between the two pieces of ice, with the bowsprit over the shore, and came running to the yacht. We stood, eight of us, on our arms.
The 12th, we kept them off, as they sought to come into the yacht by the bowsprit, while we were lying, bow on land, between the two pieces of ice. At length the water rose, so that the yacht and the ice floated, and we were to be driven at God's mercy with the ice, which was our great enemy, while the land was our enemy on account of the Indians. We were finally driven up the river, where there was a dry sand-bar
1 The regular habitat of these Indians was about the heads of Chesapeake Bay in Maryland, and in the lower part of the Susquehanna River Valley and beyond to Lake Erie. See post, pp. 70, 103.
24 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1633
running almost to the middle of the river. We were afraid we should be driven upon it by the ice, when God provided two canoes to float by us, which we immediately hauled be- fore the bow, one on each side, and broke the ice with them. Then setting the foresail, as there was a good wind, in order to sail up the river with the tide, we passed, by the aid of God, the Vogel-Sant,1 which was our great peril at this place, and arrived at the beautiful island when the tide began to run, and we managed to get to the shore, with the side to the shore lengthwise with the bow. At last, the water began to fall rapidly, and we found that there was a sand-bank along the shore. We immediately set about making the mast fast to [some] good stout trees on land, by means of a rope, and to protect ourselves against arrows. The next day, the 13th, three Indians of the Armewamen came before the yacht. They told us that they were fugitives — that the Minquas had killed some of their people, and they had escaped. They had been plundered of all their corn, their houses had been burnt, and they had escaped in great want, compelled to be content with what they could find in the woods, and came to spy out in what way the Minquas had gone away — the main body of their people lying about five or six hours' journey distant, with their wives and children. They told us also, that the Minquas had killed about ninety men of the Sankiekans; that they would come to us the next day, when the sun was in the southeast, as they were suffering great hunger, and that the Minquas had all left and gone from us, back to their country. The 14th, at night, it began to rain hard, and the wind was from the southwest, which makes it warm there. In the morning we had high-water, which caused the yacht to float finely. We loosened the rope from the tree, to which it had been made fast, in order to prevent the yacht from falling over, because the shore was so shallow there, and let her drift into the river, as the ice was already very soft, like snow. We resolved not to wait for the Indians, as they had been driven away, and could not assist us in those things for which we had
1 Probably Egg Island, or Reedy Island. It may be identified with the island referred to in the grant of the Dutch Governor Kieft, in 1646, to Planck and others for a tract of land on the west side of the Delaware River "almost over against the little island 'T Vogelssant."
1633] DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES 25
come, so that it was a hopeless voyage for us. Going down the river, we arrived below the Minqua's Kill, where we took in some stone for ballast, which we could not obtain elsewhere in the morning. This is a very fine river, and the land all beautifully level, full of groves of oak, hickory, ash, and chestnut trees, and also vines which grow upon the trees. The river has a great plenty of fish, the same as those in our fatherland, perch, roach, pike, sturgeon, and similar fish. Along the sea-coast are codfish, the different kinds of fish which are in our fatherland, and others. After we had taken in some bal- last, we went further down the river, and came to its mouth. We fished with our seines, and caught in one draught as many as thirty men could eat of perch, roach, and pike.
The 20th, we weighed our anchor, and with a northwest wind sailed out of the bay, which is ten leagues long, and so wide, that in the middle of it you can hardly see from one shore to the other. It is full of shoals between which are channels, from six to seven fathoms deep, but the deepest channel is on the west side. In order to run up by soundings, as you come from sea to Cape Hinloopen, which lies in thirty- eight degrees and twenty minutes, the shoal of the bank, which stretches from Cape Hinloopen over the bay, reaches Cape May, and when you have passed this a league and a half, and come into the river, so that Cape Hinloopen is south of you, run in then northwest along the west shore, and you will be out of danger of the banks, and keep the west side, where you should keep sounding, but do not get nearer to it than a depth of two fathoms, if the ship be a large one, and this will take you directly to the South River. When you come to the mouth of the river, where it is full two leagues wide, there is a shoal before it, on which, at low tide, there is not more than six or seven feet of water. This you must keep to starboard, and you will see a bushy point ahead on the west side, along which you must hold your course; that is the right channel, the water being three and a half fathoms at low tide, but in- side, in the river, it is six or seven fathoms. The tide rises and falls here from five to six feet. By evening, we arrived again at the ship, in which there was great rejoicing to see us, as we had been gone over a month. They did not imagine that we had been frozen up in the river, as no pilot or astrologer
26 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1643
could conceive, that in a latitude from the thirty-eighth and a half to the thirty-ninth, such rapid running rivers could freeze. Some maintain that it is because it lies so far west; others adduce other reasons; but I will tell how it can be, from experience and what I have seen, and that is thus: inland, stretching towards the north, there are high moun- tains, covered with snow, and the north and northwest winds blow over the land from these cold mountains, with a pure, clear air, which causes extreme cold and frost, such as is felt in Provence and Italy, which I have often experienced when I was at Genoa, when the wind blew over the land from the high mountains, making it as cold as it was in Holland. I have found by experience in all countries, during winter, that when the wind blows from the land, the hardest frost makes. It is so in New Netherland also, for as soon as the wind is southwest, it is so warm that one may stand naked in the woods, and put on a shirt.
The 5th of March, determined to make a voyage to the English in Virginia, as we had failed to obtain corn in the South River, in consequence of the war among the Indians, as before related, by which we were placed in such danger, and the grain of the Indians was destroyed ; and as we thought that we should not be able to find a sufficient store of it at Fort Amsterdam, on the great [North] river, to serve us on our return voyage to Holland, we therefore deemed it advis- able to sail to the English in Virginia. Although there had never been any one there from this quarter, I said, as I had escaped the danger in the South River, I would be the first one of our nation to venture to the English in Virginia, from these parts, as the distance is not more than thirty leagues from the South River or Cape Hinloopen.1 ....
[Anno 1643, October.] The 12th, at daylight, the wind from the southeast straight on a leeshore, and it began to blow hard. We were in twelve fathoms water. When it was day, the skipper
1 De Vries sailed out of Delaware Bay, March 6, 1633, for Virginia, as he proposed above, and was hospitably received by Sir John Harvey, Governor of Virginia. Returning to Swanendael March 29 he found that his people had caught seven whales, but had obtained only thirty-two cartels of oil. The expe- dition then departed for New Amsterdam and finally arrived in Holland by midsummer. The remaining paragraphs are from the narrative of 1643-1644.
1643} DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES 27
asked me if I knew where I was. I told him we must run into eight or nine fathoms, when we should be able to distinguish the land; but he was afraid of the shore, as he had never been here. Finally ran into shallower water, when he asked me if I knew the country. I said, Yes; and I saw that we were by Cape May, before the South River. He then inquired of me whether we could not sail straight in. I said, No; that it was all over full of shoals, that we must enter at the southwest side. He then threw the lead, and had four fathoms, at which he was startled. I told him he must lay down the lead ; that we must now depend on my knowledge to get in; that it was all a shoal there. We then came by Cape Hinloopen in deep water, when I told him he might throw the lead, and he would find eight to nine fathoms, as he ran into the South Bay, close by the shore. We sailed in by the shore, and he said: "I was in this same place over seven weeks, and there were Ind- ians here on land, and a-fishing, and I went ashore with my skiff and spoke Spanish to them, but they could not under- stand me. It was so full of shoals, I ran again out to sea and proceeded to New England." Then I said to the skipper: "Had you known the Indian language as I know it, you would not have sailed to New England. This land is called Swanen- dael, and these Indians destroyed a colony in the year 1630, which I began. Had you been able to speak to them, they would have taken you up the river to the Swedes, or to our people, who would have informed you that you had passed by the Virginias.' ' I sailed up the bay west by north along the west shore; at evening came before the river by the wild thicket, where we anchored in four fathoms, hard bottom, and in the morning weighed anchor.
The 13th, sailed by Reed Island, and came to the Verckens Kill, where there was a fort1 constructed by the Swedes, with three angles, from which they fired for us to strike our flag. The skipper asked me if he should strike it. I answered him, "If I were in a ship belonging to myself, I would not strike it because I am a patroon of New Netherland, and the Swedes are a people who come into our river; but you come here by contrary winds and for the purposes of trade, and it is there-
1 Fort Nya Elfsborg, built by the Swedes in 1643, a short distance below the mouth of Varkens Kill (now Salem Creek, New Jersey).
28 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1643
fore proper that you should strike." Then the skipper struck his flag, and there came a small skiff from the Swedish fort, some Swedes in it, who inquired of the skipper with what he was laden. He told them with Madeira wine. We asked them whether the governor was in the fort. They answered, No; that he was at the third fort1 up the river, to which we sailed, and arrived at about four o'clock in the afternoon, and went to the governor, who welcomed us. He was named Captain Prins,2 and a man of brave size, who weighed over four hundred pounds. He asked the skipper if he had ever been in this river before, who said he had not. How then had he come in where it was so full of shoals? He pointed to me, that I had brought him in. Then the governor's trader, who knew me, and who had been at Fort Amsterdam, said that I was a patroon of Swanendael at the entrance of the bay, de- stroyed by the Indians in the year 1630, when no Swedes were known upon this river. He (the governor) then had a silver mug brought, with which he treated the skipper with hop beer, and a large glass of Rhenish wine, with which he drank my health. The skipper traded some wines and sweetmeats with him for peltries, beaver-skins, and staid here five days from contrary winds. I went to Fort Nassau, which lies a league higher up, in which the people of the West India Com- pany were. I remained there half a day, and took my leave of them, and returned at evening to the governor of the Swedes.
The 19th, I went with the governor to the Minckquas Kil, where their first fort3 was, with some houses inside, where they carried on their trade with the Minqua Indians; our ship came down the river also. In this little fort there were some iron guns. I staid here at night with the governor, who treated me well. In the morning, the ship was lying before the Minckquas Kil. I took my leave of the governor, who accompanied me on board. We fired a salute for him, and thus parted from him; weighed anchor and got under sail, and came to the first fort. Let the anchor fall again, and went on land to the fort, which was not entirely finished; it was made after the English plan, with three angles close by
1 Fort Nya Goteborg or New Gothenburg, on Tinicum Island. a Governor Johan Printz. 3 Fort Christina.
1643] DAVID DE VRIES'S NOTES 29
the river. There were lying there six or eight brass pieces, twelve-pounders. The skipper exchanged here some of his wines for beaver-skins.
The 20th of October, took our departure from the last fort, or first in sailing up the river, called Elsenburg. The second fort of the Swedes is named Fort Christian; the third, New Gottenburg. We weighed anchor and sailed from the river; arrived at noon at Cape Hinloopen, and put to sea. Set our course along the coast southwest, quite southerly at first.
RELATION OF CAPTAIN THOMAS YONG, 1634
INTRODUCTION
Captain Thomas Yong, an Englishman, the author of the narrative which follows, was one of the many early seekers for the northwest passage from Atlantic to Pacific waters. It was mainly in pursuit of this famous quest that he explored Delaware Bay and River. Before leaving the river he wrote these observations, and sent them as a report to the English Secretary of State, one of the members of the government giving moral support to the undertaking.
Thomas Yong was born in 1579, in the parish of St. Peter's, Cornhill, in the city of London, of a family, it would seem, of the higher sort of merchants, who had attained, apparently, to some affluence and position. The father, Gregory Yong, who figures in the registers of the parish as "Grocer," with the title "Mr.", significantly respectful in that day, was a native of Bedale, in the north riding of Yorkshire, but early in his career had made his appearance in London, and at the time of his death in 1610 was dwelling at the northwest corner of Leadenhall Street. Captain Yong's elder sister Susanna mar- ried Robert Evelyn, of the landed family of the Evelyns of Wotton in Surrey — thus becoming aunt by marriage to the accomplished John Evelyn, the diarist — and the relations of her father's family with the Evelyns, as shown by certain of the Evelyn letters, were intimate.
Of the other facts of Yong's life nothing further has been learned beyond those respecting his American exploring expedi- tion. He is first heard of as the promoter of this enterprise in 1633, when as a man of the mature age of fifty-four, possessing, it is presumed, wealth and leisure, he petitioned Charles I. for
33
34 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
full powers to equip and lead, without expense to the Crown* but in its behalf, an expedition to America for the discovery, occupation, and exploitation of uninhabited lands. With the support of the group of Catholic1 sympathizers influential at court in those days of the personal government of the King, his request received favorable consideration, and a royal com- mission, in which he is mentioned as of London, gentleman, was issued, in September, 1633, granting him authority to carry out his proposals.
In company with his nephew Robert Evelyn, jr. (b. 1606), who served him as lieutenant, and with a cosmographer and a surgeon, he sailed from England with two vessels in May, 1634. He reached Virginia early in July and during the re- pairing of one of his leaky ships and the building of a shallop, remained for over two weeks at Jamestown as the guest of Governor Sir John Harvey. While in Virginia he talked with leaders on both sides of the controversy between William Claiborne and Lord Baltimore over the conflicting claims of Virginia and Maryland to Kent Island, and wrote what seems to be a fair report of the situation. This report, with an ac- count of his journey, he sent in a letter from Jamestown, dated July 13, 1634, to Sir Toby Matthew, one of his Catholic patrons about the English court.2 His expressed sympathies, however, are for Lord Baltimore, who was another of his Catholic patrons.
On July 20 Captain Yong set sail from Virginia. From *hat time the story as he tells it of his experiences in the Delaware can be followed in the text and notes until after the middle of October. He then sent Lieutenant Evelyn to England, by way of Virginia, with this report, along with a let- ter, dated October 20, 1634, written from Charles River — he so
1 Although Yong was so closely associated with Catholics in his undertaking, no evidence has been found to support the intimations of some writers that he was himself a Catholic and the agent for the promotion of a scheme of Catho- lic settlements in America.
'See Narratives of Early Maryland, in this series, pp. 47—61.
INTRODUCTION 35
named the Delaware in honor of the King — in which he states that despite the obstructing falls of the river, he determines "against the next summer to build a vessell, which he will" launch above the falls and "goe up to the Lakes," whence he hopes "to find a way that leadeth into that Mediterranean Sea. . . . From the lake I judge that it cannot be lesse than 150 or 200 leagues to our North Ocean, and from thence I purpose to discover the mouths thereof which discharge both into the North and South Seas." He adds that he will undergo all hazards and dangers and will "be at much charge for the ser- vice of his Matie and honor of my country."
Evelyn returned to England and in the latter part of May of the following year, 1635, sailed again for America in the ship Plain Joan to join his uncle, it is stated, upon "special and very important service." How much further exploration was made in the Delaware is not clear but apparently that field was soon abandoned for northern New England. In 1636, according to Samuel Maverick, Yong and his companions went up the Kennebec River, bent upon discovery. "By carv- ing their canoes some few times" they "came into Canada River very near" Quebec, "where by the French Captain Young was taken, and carried for France but his Company returned safe." Here Yong disappears from history.
Lieutenant Robert Evelyn, the nephew, whose elder brother Captain George Evelyn (b. 1593) had gone out to Maryland in 1636, seems to have appeared in Virginia in the latter part of the same year, and in 1637 was made surveyor- general and a councillor of that province. In the ensuing year he was a member of the Maryland assembly, probably residing with his brother, who had served for a few months early in the year as commander of Kent Island, and had a plantation at Piney Point in his manor of Evelynton on the Potomac. In 1641, under the title of Directions for Adventurers (reprinted in chapter III. of Plantagenet's New Albion, in 1648), was pub-
36 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
lished his description of the Delaware, in which he supplements somewhat his uncle's account and states that a draft of the region as supplied by him had been incorporated in a printed map of New England. In 1642 he was appointed commander of the Maryland forces at Piscataway against the Indians, and represented St. George's Hundred in the assembly.
The original manuscript of Yong's Relation, and the two accompanying letters of which mention has been made, are in the Virginia State Library at Richmond. The papers were purchased at the sale of the collection of the late Samuel L. M. Barlow, of New York City, who obtained them in the Aspin- wall papers, once for the most part in the possession of George Chalmers, the historian. They are simple unassuming state- ments, and believed to be in every way reliable. They were first published in P. C. J. Weston's Documents connected with the History of South Carolina (London, 1856), pp. 25-60; again in 1871 in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, fourth series, IX. 117-131, and then (in 1876) re- printed in Fund Publication No. 9 of the Maryland Historical Society, pp. 300-312. The present issue has been collated with the original manuscript.
A. C. M.
RELATION OF CAPTAIN THOMAS YONG, 1634
A breife Relation of a voyage lately made by me Captayne Thomas Yong, since my departure from Virginia, upon a discovery, which I humbly present to the Right Hoble Sr Francis Winde- banke, knight, Principall Secretary of State to his MatU.1
The particulars of all occurrents, that happened unto mee, from my departure out of England till my arrivall in Virginia; and likewise, what passed while I was there; I sent in a Relation to Sr Tobie Matthew,2 entreating him to present it to yor Honor; wch I presume, is already come to yor handes; And therefore I omitt to trouble yor honor, wth a second repetition thereof, and now only intend humbly to give yor honor account of such thinges, as since that time have passed in my voyage.
As soone as I had stopped the leakes of my ship, and fin- ished my shallopp, I sett sayle from Virginia, the 20th of July, coasting along the Coast from Virginia to the Northward, faire by the shoare, and the 24th of the same month, I made that great Bay, wherein I purposed at my departure from England, to make triall for the Passage. I came to an Anchor that night in the mouth of the Bay and the next morning, I entered the same. This Bay is in the mouth thereof 6 leagues broad, and hath in the entrance thereof 12 fathome water. When I was gott into the Bay, I came to an anchor, and sent my Leiuitennant in my shallop ashore, on the Southwest part of the Bay, to see if he could speake with any of the Natives, and to learne what he could of them, concerning this Bay, and the course thereof, who after he had spent most part of the day in searching up and downe, for the Natives, returned towards night, without speaking wth any of them. The next
1 Sir Francis Windebank (1582-1646), Secretary of State, of Catholic inclina- tions. Later he was forced to leave England.
2 Sir Tobie Matthew (1577-1655), English courtier, diplomatist, and writer, in religion a Roman Catholic.
37
38 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1634
morning, being the 26, 1 sayled some tenne leagues higher up into the Bay, and then came to an Anchor, and agayne sent out my shallopp, to see if I could meet wth any of those na- tives ; but they returned as they did the day before, without speaking with any of them. The 27 in the morning I weighed to proceed yet further into the Bay and after I had passed some 7 leagues up the Bay, my shallop being then on head of me, espied certayne Indians on the West side of the Bay, to whome they made presently, but the Indians made away from them, as soon as they came neere the shoare; soe I sayled along in the middest of the Bay, and they coasted along by the shoare, till about two in the afternoone; and then there came an Indian running along the shoare, and called to my shallop; The shallop presently made towards him, who stayed till theire arrivall, but would not come aboard, wherefore they landed, and went to him, to whome presently also came three or foure more. At last they perswaded one of them to goe aboard my ship, and so they brought him to mee. I enter- tained him curteously, and gave him buiscuit to eat, and strong water to drinke, but the water he seemed not to rellish well. I also gave him some trifles, as knives and beades and a hatchett, of which he was wonderfull glad. Then I began to enquire of him, (by my Interpreter, who understood that language) now farr the sea ran, who answered me that not farre above that place I should meet with fresh water, and that the River ranne up very farre into the land, but that he had never bene at the head thereof. He told me further that the people of that River were at warre with a certaine Nation called the Minquaos, who had killed many of them, destroyed their corne, and burned their houses; insomuch as that the Inhabitants had wholy left that side of the River, which was next to their enimies, and had retired themselves on the other side farre up into the woods, the better to secure themselves from their enimies. He also told me that not long since there had bene a ship there, and described the people to me, and by his de- scription, I found they were Hollanders, who had bene there trading for furrs; Towards night he desired to be sett on shoare, which accordingly I commanded to be done. The next day being the 28, there came aboard of my ship an Indian, with a Canoa with store of Eeles, whereof I bought some for a
1634] RELATION OF THOMAS YONG 39
knife and a hatchett, and whilest I was discoursing with him concerning the River, for now I was entered into the mouth thereof, on a suddayne he fell into a great passion of feare and trembling; I wondered what the matter was, and comforted him, and bad him feare nothing, he then shewed me a Canoa, a good way of, making towards the ship, in which, he said, were some of the Minquaos and that they were enimies to him, and to his Nation, and had already killed many of them, and that they would kill him also, if they saw him, and therefore he desired me to hide him from them; I told him, I would defend him, and that they should not hurt him, and that if they should dare to offer him any violence, I then would kill them, he seemed very glad to heare me say so, and gave me thankes, but yet was very earnest to be hid from them, saying, that if they saw him, they would watch for him ashore, and there murther him, then I caused him to be putt into a cabbin, betweene deckes, where he could not be seene. The Minquaos rowed directly to my ship, and as soone as they gott neere her, they made signes for a Rope, which was cast out to them, with which they made fast their Canoa, and presently came aboard without any difficultie. Our Interpreter understood but only some few words of their language, so as wee were forced for the most part to gather their meaning by signes the best wee could. They told us, they were Minquaos, and that one of them was a king, (for soe all the Indians call them, who are most eminent among themselves, and they are in nature of Captaynes or Governors of the rest, and have power of life and death, of warre and peace, over their subjects, Some have 1000, some 500, some more, some lesse) and madt signes to us, that they were lately come from warre with the other Ind- ians, whome they had overcome, and slayne some of them, and cutt downe their corne, (which is of the same kind with the corne of Virginia which they commonly call Maiz). They brought a good quantitie of greene eares thereof with them, and some they presented to mee, and others they roasted and eate themselves. I used them curteously, and gave them each of them a hatchett, a pipe, a knife, and a paire of sizers, for which they were very thankfull to mee, and then desired to see my trucke,1 whereof I shewed them samples. The King desired
1 Articles of barter.
40 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1634
some of my cloath, but having nothing to give me in exchange thereof, I gave him two small peices, one of redd and the other of blew. They made signes to us, that about 10 dayes (as wee thought, but wee were mistaken for they meant weekes, as wee perceaved afterwards), they would come to us agayne, and bring with them great store of trucke of beavers and ottors, and therefore they desired to know where wee would bee; soe I told them that about that time I would send my shallop to meet them there, soe they departed, and as soone as they were gone, I called for the Indian who all this time lay hid in my cabbin, who stayed aboard of me till night, and then departed a contrary way to that which the Minquaos went, promising to be with me the next day. Some two days after I being then gotten some tenne leagues up the River there came to the shoare side 5 or 6 Indians, and haled us. I sent my boate for them; when they were arrived, they told me they came to see me from a king, who lived not farre of, and that if I pleased to morrow he would come and visitt mee. I answered them, he should be welcome, and so after they had stayed awhile, and refreshed themselves aboard my shippe, they departed. The next day wee expected him but he came not, soe wee departed up a little higher up the River, and on the second of August this king came aboard us about noone, accompanied with 40 or 60 Indians. After he had sate still awhile, which they are wont to doe upon the ground, he then told mee I was welcome into the Countrey, and that he came to see me with desire to make peace with me, in regard he understood by an Indian that I was a good man, and that I had preserved him from the Minquaos, who would otherwise have slayne him, and withall asked, if wee had any trucke. He also presented mee with two Otters skinnes, and some greene eares of corne, excusing himself that he had no better present for me, in regard the Minquaos had lately harrowed his countrey, and carried much beaver from him and his sub- jects, and that the rest they had trucked away to the Hol- landers, who had lately bene there. I told him that I was sent thither by a great king in Europe, namely the king of England, and that I came thither to discover that Countrey and to make peace with them, if they desired to imbrace it and that if they would soe do, I would defend them from their enimies, he
1634] RELATION OF THOMAS YONG 41
was very joyfull to hear this, and desired me to tarry two dayes there, for he would bring thither another king, who was his father in law, to make peace with mee, and another king also who was his neighbour, and the proprietor of that part of the River, wherein I then rode. I condiscended1 with him to stay two dayes. In the meane time, I tooke possession of the countrey, for his Matie, and there sett up his Maties armes upon a tree, which was performed with solemnities usuall in that kind. I enquired of this king how farre this River ranne up into the Countrey, and whither it were navigable or no, he told me it ranne a great way up, and that I might goe with my shippe, till I came to a certaine place, where the rockes2 ranne cleane crosse the River, and that there he thought I could not goe over with my great Canoas, (for soe they call all vessells that swimme upon the water). I then desired him to lend me a pilott to goe up to that place, which he most willingly granted. I presented him with a Coate, a hatchett, and a knife, wherewith he was very well contented, and so after he had stayd some 4 or 5 houres he tooke his leave. About some 3 or foure dayes after, this king returned to me, and in company with him two other kings, whome I mentioned be- fore, with whome I also made peace. Of the old king I en- quired if he had ever bene at the head of the River, he an- swered me no, but that he had heard that the River ranne farre up into the land, and that some few dayes journey beyond the rockes of which I spake before there was a moun- tainous countrey where there were great store of Elkes and that before the warr with the Minquaos, they were wont to goe thither to hunt them, but he said that neither he himself nor any of his people had ever bene further then those moun- taines. These kings prayed me that I would do them the curtesie to stay foure or five dayes with them, because they were certainly informed, that the Minquaos would within that time passe over the River to assault them, wherefore they desired me not to suffer them to passe over. I told them I would at their request stay five dayes, and that I would labour to procure them peace, and that if their enimies refused the same that then I would joyne with them against them, and
1 Agreed.
a The Falls of Delaware, at what is now Trenton, New Jersey.
42 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1634
I would lend them souldiers to goe to warre in company with them, and that I would also, if occasion were, invade the Min- quaos within their owne countrey, upon this condition, that they shall renounce all trade or alliance with all other per- sons, save only his Matie3 Ministers and subjects, and that they shall be wholy dependant on him, of which they were very joyfull and accepted the conditions and soe wee made a solemne peace, they not long after departed, and it was spread all over the River, that I had made peace with them, and that I was a just man, and would defend them against their enimies the Minquaos. Upon the report heer of some three dayes after, there came to me messengers with a present from two other kings, who lived in a lesser River,1 which falleth into this great River, somewhat neerer the rockes. They told me that their kings desired to make peace with me, according as the other kings their neighbours had done, and that they had some Beaver and Otter skinnes, which they would trucke with me for such commodities as I had. I sent them word that some three days after I would come up to the mouth of that River, where I would desire them to meet mee, and that I would entreat one of those messengers to stay with me, till I were ready to goe, whome I would send to them as soon as I was arrived, and one of them presently offered himself to stay with mee. When the five dayes were expired I sent to the former kings, to let them understand that now I had tar- ried five days expecting the Minquaos and that seeing they came not, I had sent my shallop to seeke them out, but it was returned without any notice of them, and therefore that I thought they were not in the River, wherefore now I would goe up higher into the River to meet with the other kings, whither if they had occasion they should send to mee, and I would send to assist them, desiring them withall to send me a pilot to carrie me to the Rockes. They sent me word they were sorry I was departing from them, neverthelesse they hoped I would shortly returne thither againe, and that if they had occasion they would send to mee, and moreover one of them sent me his Brother in company of my messenger, and commanded him to goe up along with me, and to attend mee, and remayne with me till my returne thither againe, which he
1 Possibly the Schuylkill River.
1634] RELATION OF THOMAS YONG 43
did accordingly. As soone as my messengers were come backe, I sett forward and arrived at the mouth of the said River, and not long after I was come to an anchor, about 8 of the clocke in the evening, came the two kings aboard of mee, attended only with some foure or 5 of their principall men, for the rest of their company in regard it was night, I desired them to leave on shoare, till the morning. I entertained them aboard all night, and in the morning early being the 23 of August, the rest of their company came aboard. I gave each of them a present, as I had done to the other kings, which when they had receaved, first the ancient king, and afterward the yonger, called together all their people, and made to them a long ora- tion to this purpose. That wee were a good people. That wee were just. That wee were ready to defend the oppressed from the crueltie of their neighbours. That wee were loving people, as a testimony whereof they shewed the presents I had given them. That wee had brought thither such things as they stood in need of, for which wee desired only Beaver and Otter skirmes, whereof they had to spare. That therefore they comanded them to trade lovingly and freely with our people, that they should be carefull that no injuries were either privately or publikely done to them. That they should use them as friends and Brothers, and that for me in particular they should honor and esteeme of me as a Brother of their kings, and that they should be carefull to carrie themselves dutifully towards mee, with a great deale more complement, then I expresse. This being done my company and the In- dians fell a trucking, while these two kings entered into the same league with me, which the former had done, and then towards evening the elder king went ashore, the yonger remayning aboard with mee. Thither also came two other neighboring kinges, with whom also I made peace. Heere also was the first place, where some of their weomen came aboard our shippes, and heere during the space of five dayes that wee tarried we had continually store of Indians aboard us. One night about one of the clock in the night, there rose an alarme amongst the Indians that lay ashore, that the Minquaos were come upon them; the yonger king was then aboard my ship, who desired me to receave his people aboard till the morning, which I did. setting a good guard upon them and disarming
44 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1634
them. In the morning I found this to proceed of nothing else but their pollicie to trie whether, if occasion were, I would re- ally assist them or no. But howsoever the king gave me great thankes for my love to him and his people. After I had stayed there some five dayes, I departed towards the head of the River, and many Indians as I passed along came aboard my shippe, with such commodities as they had, some with furrs, some with victualls. On the 29 of August I had gotten up with my shippe as far as I could goe with her for now the water beganne to be shoaly, so I came to an anchor, neere to the dwelling of one of the principall kings of this Countrey, who that same night hearing that I was come to his Countrey, came aboard of me to visitt me, with whome also I made peace as with the former. This king and his Brother are the greatest Travaylors that I mett among all the Indians, in the River, for they have bene by land at the lower fort of Hudsons River, and likewise very farre up the River, beyond the rockes, I spake of. On the first of September I sent my leiuetennant in my shallop up to the Rockes, both to sound the water as he went, and likewise to trie whether my boates would passe those rockes or no. The Hollanders of Hudsons River having gotten some intelligence of our being heere by the Indians, who in some places live not above a dayes journey from them, overtooke me heere within sixe houres after I had sent away my leiuetennant to the rockes. They came to an Anchor close by me. I sent my boate presently aboard them to know what they were, and from whence they came, and to bring the master to mee, who soone after came together with his Mar- chant in their owne boate. When they were come aboard of me, I sent for them into my cabbin, and asked them what they made heere, they answered mee they came to trade as formerly they had done. I asked them if they had any comis- sion from his Matie to trade in the River or no, they answered they had none from the King of England, but from the Gov- ernor of new Netherlands they had, to which I replyed that I knew no such Governor, nor no such place as new Nether- lands. I told them that this Country did belong to the crowne of England, as well by ancient discovery as likewise by posses- sion lawfully taken, and that his Matie was now pleased to make more ample discovery of this River, and of other places
1634) RELATION OF THOMAS YONG 45
also, where he would erect Collonies, and that I was therefore sent hither with a Royall Commission under the great Seale to take possession heereof. I perceaved by their countenance that this newes strooke them could at heart, and after a little pawse they answered me, that they had traded in this River heeretofore. I then replyed that therein they had done his Matie and his subjects the greater injurie, for supposing, as some of the Dutch pretended, that they had by his Maties leave traded and planted in Hudsons River, yet ought they not to usurpe upon other trades and Countreyes of his Maties without his leave, and since that he is now pleased to make use of this River, either for himself, or his subjects, it would be good manners in them to desist. Then they desired to see my Commission, which I shewed them, and after they had read it, and considered well thereof, apprehending the power I had, if they should trade without licence, to make them prize, they desired me to give them a Copie thereof. I answered them that it was not the custome of England for his Matie8 Ministers to give Copies of their Commissions, they then desired to know how I would proceed with them, which they hoped would be the better in regard they knew not of my commission, I told them I would let them know that heereafter, when my leiue- tennant was returned which perhaps would be the next morning.
The next day my leiuetennant being returned, I sent for the Hollanders to dine with me, and this day I spent in mak- ing them wellcome, and after dinner one of their company dranke to me saying, Heere Governor of the South River, (for soe they call this) I drinke to you and indeed confesse your Commission is much better then ours, how say you Copeman1 (who is the head marchant) said he is it not. To whome the Copeman answered yes indeede, I have not seene a larger Commission. The next day about 8 of the clocke I sent for them to give them an answerre which was this. That in re- gard they were subjects to so ancient allies of my Prince, and that they were neighbours heere, and since they had carried themselves civilly, I had used them with all curtesy, that I might lawfully use. That since I had also shewed them my commission, I made no question but that they knew suffi-
1 Dutch Koopman, (pron. Copeman), merchant,
46 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1634
ciently well what they had to doe, neverthelesse, I was willing they might stay at Anchor two dayes longer, to provide them- selves of whatsoever they should need, and that I would not suffer any thing to be taken from them during their stay. They then asked me if I would command them to be gone, I answered I command you not to be gone, but you may looke into my Commission, and there you may see whether it be lawfull for you to vizitt or trade into any places I shall pos- sesse, where upon they read over the second time that part of the Commission, and then they answered they would be gone, but they desired a note under my hand for their dis- charge, unto their Governor, to shew the cause why they re- turned without trading. I answered it was not the custome of England and that they had no need of any such note, since they had seene the Commission under the great Seale, and that I could not beleeve but that their Governor would both creditt and be satisfied with their Relation. Soe they parted civilly though very sadly from mee. Before the time of two dayes was expired, they weighed Anchor and went downe the River, I sent my Leiuetennant in my pinnace to see them cleareof the River, and to watch them least they should doe me ill offices with the Indians, in their way homewards. In their going downe they sometimes went aboard of one another after the manner of the Sea, and the Merchant of the Ship upon some discourse said, that if they had bene in possession at my arrivall they would not have removed, for all my Commission, and not long after he said I would we were in possession of it agayne, yet if the West India Company had been ruled by me, they had planted this River, rather than Hudsons River, and whilest my Leiuetennant commended Hudsons River, for a good place, he replyed, yea so it is, but this is better, and further said were I sure we should loose this River, I would tell you something that would please you. I gave my leiuetennant order that after he had watched these Hollanders out of the Bay he should then goe, and discover all along the Coast, as farre as Hudson's River and so on towards Cape Cod, to see if there were any probability of a passage through. Hee ac- cordingly discovered along the coast as farre as Hudsons River, where he was overtaken with foule weather, and con- trary windes, where he endured the stormes till he was forced
1634] RELATION OF THOMAS YONG 47
by the incommodiousnes of his vessell, and want of victualls to retume. In this voyage he lost two men who were killed by the Indians, but found nothing worthy of particular Relation.
As soone as he was returned I sent him presently up once more to the falls to trie whether he could passe those rockes at a spring tide, which before he could not doe in a neap tide, but it was then also impassable with any great boate, wherefore he returned backe to mee agayne. When he saw he could not passe over the rockes, he went up the River side some five miles above the rockes, to see whither the River were passable or no, who informeth me [it] is deepe and likely to runne very farre up into the Countrey. Heere also is the Brother of the king of Mohigon, who is the uppermost king that wee have mett with who relateth that he hath bene in a Canoa 20 dayes journey up the River, above the rockes which1 he describeth to runne northwest and westnorthwest, that he was sent thither by his brother to a king of his Alliance, and that there he heard that this River some five dayes journey higher issueth from a great Lake, he saith further that four days journey from this River, over certayne mountaines there is a great mediterranean sea and he offereth to goe him self along in person the next sommer with myself or my leiuetennant to shew us the same, he saith further that about two dayes journey above the falls or rocks, the River divides itself into two branches, the one whereof is this wherein wee are, and the other trendeth towards Hudsons River, and that the farther you goe up the River the broader.
I beseech yr honor give me leave by the way to give you a short relation of the commodities2 and scituation of this River. This River dischargeth itself into a great Bay in the North part of Virginia, in 39 and almost a half of latitude^ The river is broad and deepe, and is not inferior to any in the North of America, and a ship of 300 Tonnes may saile up within three leagues of the rockes. The River aboundeth with beavers, otters, and other meaner furrs, which are not only taken upon the bankes of the mayne River, but likewise in othev lesser rivers which discharge themselves into the
1 J. e., the river. 'Advantages or good qualities.
48 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1634
greater, whereof I thinke few Rivers of America have more or more pleasant. The people are for the most part very well proportioned, well featured, gentle, tractable and docible. The land is very good and fruitfull and withall very healthfull. The soyle is sandy and produceth divers sorts of fruites, es- pecially grapes, which grow wild in great quantity, of which I have eaten sixe severall sorts, some of them as good as they are ordinarily in Italy, or Spaine; and were they replanted I thinke they whould be farre better. Heere also growes the fruite which in Italy they call lazarroli,1 plumms, divers sorts of berries and divers other fruites not knowne in Europe. The climate is much like that of Italy and all sorts of fruites of that Countrey will thrive heere exceedingly. The earth being fruitefull is covered over with woods and stately timber, except only in those places, where the Indians had planted their corne. The Countrey is very well replenished, with deere and in some places store of Elkes. The low grounds of which there is great quantitie excellent for meadowes and full of Beaver and Otter. The quantity of fowle is so great as can hardly be beleeved, wee tooke at one time 48 partriches to- gether, as they crossed the river, chased by wild hawkes. I myselfe sprang in two houres 5 or 6 covies in walking of a mile, there are infinit number of wild pidgeons, black birds, Turkeyes, Swans, wild geese, ducks, Teales, widgins, brants, herons, cranes etc. of which there is so great abounclance, as that the Rivers and creekes are covered with them in winter. Of fish heere is plentie, but especially sturgeon all the sommer time, which are in such aboundance in the upper parts of the River, as that great benefitt might be raysed by setting up a fishing for them, for in the spring and beginning of summer the weather is so temperate, that they will keepe very well. Heere are also great store of wild hops yet exellent good and as faire as those in England, heere are also divers other things which with Industrie will prove exellent good commodities,
1 Lazarola or lazzerola, i. e., the azarole or Neapolitan medlar (Crataegus azarolus), a fruit-bearing shrub allied to the white thorn. "At this spot [on the south side of Christiana Creek, opposite the site of Fort Christina] there are many medlar trees which bear good fruit from which one [Jan] Jaquet, who does not live far from there, makes good brandy or spirits, which we tasted and found even better than French brandy" (In 1679; Journal of Bankers and Sluyter, p. 188).
1634] RELATION OF THOMAS YONG 49
and for my part I am confident that this River is the most healthfull, fruitefull and commodious River in all the North of America, to be planted.
Hither also very lately came the Hollanders a second time, sent hither by the Governor of the Dutch plantation, with a Commission to plant and trade heere, but after much discourse to and fro, they have publikely declared, that if the king of England please to owne this River, they will obey, and they humbly desire that he will declare to them their limitts ir these parts of America, which they will also observe.
FROM THE "ACCOUNT OF THE SWEDISH CHURCHES IN NEW SWEDEN," BY REV- EREND ISRAEL ACRELIUS, 1759
INTRODUCTION
In 1638 the Swedes, impelled by the spirit of territorial and commercial expansion aroused under their late King, the great and victorious Gustavus Adolphus, founded the colony of New Sweden, thus planting the first permanent white settlement on the Delaware. This foundation was laid under the personal direction of Peter Minuit, the first governor, at Fort Christina, on a creek of the same name, where the present city of Wil- mington, Delaware, now stands. Thence, during the next dec- ade, especially under the vigorous rule of the warrior Governor Printz, who arrived in 1643, a thin fringe of settlement in the form of forts and trading posts — barely a dozen in all — with a population at no time exceeding a few hundred souls, was ex- tended, mainly on the western shore, about thirty-five miles up and down the river between the sites of Philadelphia and Elsinborough, New Jersey, and not more than three or four miles inland.
The Swedish government supported the enterprise through the medium of a trading company organized, under the in- spiration of certain Dutch promoters, on the model of the Dutch and English trading corporations. The Indian fur trade, along with the lesser traffic in Virginia and Maryland tobacco, was the chief business of the colony, and for the most part sustained the somewhat dilatory and wavering in- terest of the people at home. The colonists gave some atten- tion to tobacco culture and grazing, and occasionally raised small crops of grain, but the evidence thus far available shows that they had no particular success in agriculture; frequently they were largely dependent upon their English and Dutch neighbors for necessary provisions.
53
54 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
The Dutch, who in 1623 had erected Fort Nassau on the eastern shore of the river near the present Gloucester, New Jersey, claimed the Delaware region as part of New Nether- land, and protested from time to time against the Swedish occupation. Vigorous action, however, was delayed on ac- count of the close political and economic relations between the two mother countries, Sweden as the great Protestant power in the Thirty Years' War aiding the Netherlands, and the Nether- lands, in turn, favoring Swedish shipping and trade. After the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, these conditions were changed. The Swedes having made a rapid commercial development came into effective competition with the Dutch. The Dutch, with their political independence conceded by Spain as well by the other leading powers of Europe, now sought to curb this dangerous northern rival. They built other forts on the Delaware. In 1655, the Dutch Governor, Peter Stuyvesant, from New Amsterdam, attacked New Sweden. Swedish rule was brought to an end and the Delaware became once more in fact a part of New Netherland. It so remained until the English conquest of New Netherland in 1664.
The details of the history of New Sweden, as recounted by the Swedish historian, the Reverend Israel Acrelius, may be followed in the extracts from his work hereafter presented.
Born in 1714 in Osteraker, in Roslagen, near Stockholm, Sweden, Acrelius was educated at the University of Upsala and ordained as a Lutheran clergyman in 1743. In 1749 he was sent out from Sweden as provost of the Swedish congre- gations on the Delaware. He took up his residence at Chris- tina, now Wilmington, as pastor of the Old Swedes' Church, and thence made periodical visits to the other churches. After an efficient service of seven years he went back to Europe, and during the winter of 1756-1757 devoted himself to study in England. He then returned to Sweden, received a pension from the King, and retired to the living of Fellings-
INTRODUCTION 55
bro, in Westerns, near Stockholm. There he completed his history which he had begun in America, and died in 1800.
His book, a quarto of xx+534 pages, published at Stock- holm in 1759, is written in Swedish and bears the title Beskrifning om de Swenska Forsamlingars forna och ndrwarande Tilstdnd uti det sd kallade Nya Swerige which in English is "Description of the Former and Present State of the Swedish Churches, in the so-called New Sweden."
Of the eight parts into which the work is divided, parts I., II., and III., comprising the first third of the book, form a history of the respective Swedish, Dutch, and English govern- ments in the Pennsylvania and Delaware region up to and including Acrelius's residence there in the middle years of the eighteenth century. The remaining two-thirds of the work are devoted to a full account of the Swedish church on the Delaware for the same period.
Although writing a century after the Swedish regime on the Delaware, Acrelius had the advantage over later historians of a certain intimacy with his subject, not simply by reason of nearness to the earlier period, but because of his knowledge of the topography of the field concerned and the informa- tion obtained in religious visits among surviving families of the colonists of New Sweden. On the whole he made careful and intelligent use of some of the chief original sources, a few of which are not now available. Some errors, it is true, have crept in; parts of the book are antiquated, in the light of modern research; and the writer's views, especially with re- spect to the Dutch, are obviously colored by his Swedish sympathies. Nevertheless, the work has independent value and interest. Such of its shortcomings as have been observed in the present text are pointed out in the notes.
The whole of the book was translated and edited by the Reverend William M. Reynolds, and published in 1874, in the Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, volume XL
56 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
Our extracts are from this translation, pp. 20-29, 43-61, and 85-87, as revised by Dr. Amandus Johnson, of the University of Pennsylvania, from the Swedish of the original edition, pages 5-16, 36-55, and 85-88. The text thus selected and here printed is confined to the three chapters constituting Part I. "Of the Swedish Administration." All of Chapter I., "Of the First Arrival of the Swedes, under Commander Menewe [Minuit]," is given, excepting a few introductory pages on America in general. Of Chapter II., "The Admin- istration under Governor Printz," a few sections are omitted. Only the references to the Swedish Church are chosen from the latter part of Chapter III., "The Administration of Director- General Rising." Thus this eighteenth-century narrative serves in the main to fill gaps in those records which are more
strictlv contemporary in their origin.
A. C. M.
FROM THE "ACCOUNT OF THE SWEDISH CHURCHES IN NEW SWEDEN/' BY REV- EREND ISRAEL ACRELIUS, 1759
[Chapter L] 3. The Entrance of the Hollanders into North
America.
About the same time the Hollanders undertook to explore these American harbors. They took a fancy to the shores of the bay called by the Indians Menahados, and the river Mohaan. Henry Hudson, an Englishman in the service of the Holland East India Company, had first discovered those places, and called the bay after himself, Hudson's Bay. The East India Company, in the year 1608, sold its right to the country, which it based upon its priority of discovery, to some Hollanders. These obtained from the States General an ex- clusive privilege to the country, and took the name of "The West India Company of Amsterdam." In the year 1610 they began to traffic with the Indians, and in the year 1613 they built a trading post at the place now called Albany, and in the following year placed some cannon there. Samuel Argall, the governor of Virginia, drove them out in 1618, but King James I. gave them permission to remain, that their ships might obtain water there in their voyages to Brazil.1 From that time until 1623, when the West India Company obtained its charter,2 their trade with the Indians was conducted entirely on shipboard, and they made no attempts to build any house or fortress until 1629.3 Now, whether it was done with or without the permission of England, the town of New Amster- dam was built and fortified, as also the place Aurania, Orange, now called Albany, having since had three general-governors, one after the other. But that was not enough. They wished
1 This is legendary.
1 The Dutch West India Company was chartered in 1621. 'Thej built a fort at Albany as early as 1615. 57
58 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1626
to extend their power to the river Delaware also, and erected on its shores two or three small forts, which were, however, immediately destroyed by the natives of the country.
4. Arrangements in Sweden for a Colony.
It now came in order for Sweden also to take part in this gain. William Usselinx,1 a Hollander, born at Antwerp in Brabant, presented himself to King Gustaf Adolph, and laid before him a proposition for a Trading Company, to be estab- lished for Sweden, and to extend [its operations] to Asia, Africa, and Magellan's Land, [with the assurance] that this would be a great source of revenue to the kingdom. Authority was given him to carry out so important a project ; and there- upon a contract of trade was drawn up, under which the Company was to unite, and subscribe it. Usselinx published his explanation of this contract, wherein he also particularly made the country on the Delaware known as to its fertility, convenience, and all its imaginable advantages. To strengthen the matter, a charter was secured for the Company, and espe- cially for Usselinx, who was granted a royalty of one thou- sandth part upon all articles bought or sold by the Company.
5. The Execution of the Project.
The great king, whose zeal for the honor of God was not less ardent than for the welfare of his subjects, availed himself of this opportunity to extend Christian doctrine among the heathen, as well as to establish his own power in other parts of the world. To this end he sent forth letters patent, dated at Stockholm, on the 2d of July, 1626, wherein all, both high and low, were invited to contribute something to the Com- pany, according to their means. The work was continued in the Diet of the following year, 1627, when the estates of the
1Willem Usselinx (1567-c. 1647), the founder of the Dutch West India Company and of the Swedish South Company, was a native of Antwerp. He re- ceived a business education in Antwerp and spent several years abroad in Spain, Portugal, and the Azores, returning to Holland about 1591, a wealthy man. From 1600 until his death he was engaged in the promotion of great projects and plans of colonization and trade.
1628] ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 59
realm gave their assent, and confirmed the measure. Those who took part in this Company were: His Majesty's mother, the Queen Dowager Christina, the Prince John Casimir, the Royal Council, the most distinguished of the nobility, the highest officers of the army, the bishops and other clergymen, together with the burgomasters and aldermen of the cities, as well as a large number of the people generally. The time fixed for paying in the subscriptions was the 1st of May of the following year (1628). For the management and work- ing of the plan there were appointed an admiral, vice-admiral, chapman, under-chapman, assistants, and commissaries, to- gether with soldiers and officers.
6. Renewal of these Plans.
But when these arrangements were now in full progress and advertised everywhere, the German war and the King's death occurred, which caused this important work to be laid aside. The Trading Company was dissolved, its subscriptions nullified, and the whole project was about to die with the King. But just as it appeared to be at its end, it received new life. Another Hollander, by the name of Peter Menewe,1 sometimes called Menuet, made his appearance in Sweden. He had been in Dutch service in America, where he became involved in difficulties with the officers of their Company, in consequence of which he was recalled home and dismissed from their service. But he was not discouraged by this, went over to Sweden, and renewed the representations which Usse- linx had formerly made in regard to the excellence of the country, and the advantages that might be derived from it.
1 Peter Minuit (1580-1638), the first governor of New Sweden, brought over the initial Swedish expedition to the Delaware in 1638, built Fort Christina at the site of Wilmington, Delaware, and thus began the first permanent white settlement on that river. Born of Huguenot parents at Wesel in western Ger- many, he went over to New Netherland in 1626 as third Director General. Ap- parently his rule was successful but he was recalled in 1631. Becoming concerned in the Swedish plans of expansion he suggested to Chancellor Oxenstierna and to Spiring the first plan for the settlement of the Delaware, proposing the name New Sweden. On his way home from the new colony he was lost in a storm near the island of St. Christopher in the West Indies. See Amandus Johnson, Swedish Settlements, pp. 93-117, 182-186, 191-192, 684-685.
60 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1634
7. Under Queen Christina.
Queen Christina, who succeeded her royal father in the government, was glad to have the project thus renewed. The royal chancellor, Count Axel Oxenstierna, understood well how to put it in operation. He took the West India Trading Company into his own hands, as its president, and encouraged other wealthy noblemen to take shares in it. King Charles I. of England had also, in the year 1634, upon representations made to him by John Oxenstierna, at that time Swedish ambassador in London, renounced,1 in favor of the Swedes, all claims and pretensions which the English had to that country, growing out of their rights as its first dis- coverers. Hence everything seemed to be settled upon a firm foundation, and all earnestness was employed [in the prosecu- tion of the plans for a colony].
8. Menewe's Outward Journey.
As a good beginning the first colony was sent off, and Peter Menewe was placed over it, as being best acquainted in those regions. They set sail from Gothenburg in a ship-of-war, called the Key of Calmar, followed by a smaller vessel, bearing the name of the Bird Griffin, both laden with people, provisions, ammunition, and merchandise suitable for traffic and gifts to the Indians. The ships successfully reached their place of destination. The high expectations which our emigrants had conceived of that new land agreed exactly with the first views which they had of it. They made their first landing on the bay or entrance to the river Poutaxat,2 which they called the river of New Sweden, and the place where they landed they called Paradise Point.3
9. Purchase of Land.
A purchase of land was immediately made from the Ind- ians, and it was determined that the land on the western side
1 No records confirming this have been found.
2 Evidently the South (later Delaware) Bay and River.
3 A little south of the present Murderkill Creek, in Kent County, Delaware.
1638] ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 61
of the river, from the entrance called Cape Inlopen, or Hin- lopen,1 all the way up to the fall called Santickan2 and then all the country inland, as much as was desired, should belong to the Swedish crown forever.3 Posts were driven into the ground as landmarks, which were still seen in their places sixty years afterwards. A deed was drawn up for the land thus purchased. This was written in Dutch, because no Swede was yet able to interpret the language of the heathen. The Indians subscribed their hands and marks. The writing was sent home to Sweden, to be preserved in the royal archives. Mans Kling4 was the surveyor. He laid out the land and made a map of the whole river, with its tributaries, creeks, and capes, which was sent to the royal archives in Sweden. Their clergyman was Reorus Torkillus5 of East Gothland.
10. Christina the First Place of Abode.
The first abode of the newly arrived emigrants was at a place called by the Indians Hopokahacking. There, in the year 1638, Peter Menuet built a fortress, which he named Fort Christina,0 after the reigning queen of Sweden. This place, situated upon the west side of the river, was probably chosen so as to be out of the way of the Hollanders, who wished to usurp the eastern shore — a measure of prudence, until the arrival of a greater force from Sweden. The fort was built
1 Henlopen.
s The Falls of Delaware at what is now Trenton.
'The north and south bounds of this first purchase from the Indians by Minuit in 1638 extended only from Christina Creek to the Schuylkill.
4 Mans Nilsson Kling, who is frequently mentioned in these narratives, came over in the first expedition to New Sweden in 1638 and was the commander of Fort Christina until 1640, when he returned to Sweden. He came back to the colony as lieutenant the following year. Later he was stationed at the fort near the mouth of the Schuylkill River where he continued until his final return to Sweden in 1648.
6 Rev. Reorus Torkillus (1608-1643), a native of Molndal, near Gothenburg, Sweden, attended school at Lidkoping and Skara. He was a lecturer at the high school of Gothenburg and chaplain to the superintendent. He arrived with the second expedition in 1640, conducting services in Fort Christina, thus be- coming not only the first minister in New Sweden, but the first Lutheran pastor !n the present United States. See Amandus Johnson, Swedish Settlements, p. 697.
e Now Wilmington, Delaware.
62 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1638
upon an eligible site, not far from the mouth of the creek, so as to secure them the navigable water of the Maniquas, which was afterwards called Christina Kihl, or Creek.
11. The Country Empty and Unoccupied.
The country was unoccupied and free from the Hollanders. They had had two or three forts on the river — Fort Nassau, where Gloucester now stands, and another at Horekihl, down on the bay. But both of these were entirely destroyed by the Americans, and their people driven away. The following ex- tract from the History of the New Netherland, which Adrian van der Donck published in the year 1655, with the license and privilege as well of the States General as of the West In- dia Company, will serve as proof of this :
The place is called Hore-kihl, but why so called we know not. But this is certain, that many years back, before the English and the Swedes came hither, it was taken up and settled as a colony by Hollanders, the arms of the States being at the same time set up in brass. These arms having been pulled down by the villany of the Indians, the commissary there resident demanded that the head of the perpetrator should be delivered to him. The Indians, unable to free themselves in any other way, brought him the head, which was accepted as a sufficient atonement. But some time afterwards, when we were at work in the fields, and unsuspicious of danger, the Indians came as friends, distributed themselves according to the number of the Hollanders [at the various plantations]; fell upon them and completely exterminated them. Thus was the colony exterminated, though sealed with blood, and dearly enough pur- chased.
12. The Hollanders Protest.
Notwithstanding all this the Hollanders believed that they had the best right to the Delaware River, yea, a better right than the Indians themselves. It was their object to secure at least all the land lying between said river and their New Amsterdam, where was their power, and which country they immediately called "The New Netherlands." But as their forces were still too weak, they always kept one or another of
1638] ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 63
their people upon the east side of the river to watch any one who might visit the country. As soon, therefore, as Menuet landed with his Swedish company, notice of the fact was given to the Dutch Director-General in New Amsterdam. He waited for some time, until he could ascertain Menuet's pur- pose; but when it appeared that a fortress was being erected for the Swedes, the following protest arrived:
Thursday, May 6, 1638. I, William Kieft, Director-General of the New Netherlands, residing upon the island of Manhattan, in the Fort Amsterdam, under the government subject to the High and Mighty States General of the United Netherlands, and the WTest India Company, chartered by the Council Chamber in Amsterdam, make known to you, Peter Menuet, who style yourself Commander in the service of Her Royal Majesty, the Queen of Sweden, that the whole South River of the New Netherlands, both above and below, has already, for many years, been our property, occupied by our forts, and sealed with our blood; which was also done when you were a servant in the New Netherlands, and you are, therefore, well aware of this. But whereas you have now come between our forts to build a fortress to our injury and prejudice, which we shall never permit; as we are also assured that Her Royal Majesty of Sweden has never given you authority to build forts upon our rivers and coasts, nor to settle people on the land, nor to traffic in peltries, nor to undertake any- thing to our injury: We do, therefore, protest against all the injury to property, and all the evil consequences of bloodshed, uproar, and wrong which our Trading Company may thus suffer: And that we shall protect our rights in such manner as we may find most advisable.
Then follows the [usual] conclusion.
13. Another Proof of this.
In his history of the New Netherlands, at the place already cited, Adrian van der Donck likewise relates how protest was made against the building of Fort Christina, but there also he gives evidence that the strength of the Hollanders in the river on the first arrival of the Swedes consisted almost entirely in great words. He says:
64 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1638
On the river lies, first, Maniqua's Kihl, where the Swedes have built Fort Christina, where large ships can load and unload at the shore. There is another place on the river called Schulkihl, which is also navigable. That, also, was formerly under the control of the Hollanders, but is now mostly under the government of the Swedes. In that river [Delaware] there are various islands and other places formerly belonging to the Hollanders, whose name they still bear, which sufficiently shows that the river belongs to the Hollanders, and not to the Swedes. Their very commencement will convict them. For in the year 1638 one Minnewits, who had formerly acted as Director for the Trading Company at Manhatans, came into the river in the ship Key of Colmar, and the yacht called the Bird Griffin. He gave out to the Hollander, Mr. van der Nederhorst, the agent of the West India Company in the South River, that he was on a voyage to the West India islands, and that he was staying there only to take in wood and water. Whereupon said Hollander allowed him to go free. But, some time after, some of our people going thither found him still there, and he had planted a garden, and the plants were growing in it. In astonishment we asked the reasons for such procedure, and if he intended to stay there ? He tried to escape from answering by various excuses, and gave us thus no information. The third time they found them occupied with building a fort. Then we saw their purpose. As soon as he was informed of it, Director Kieft protested against it, but in vain.
14. Peter Hollendare Menewe's Successor.
Thus Peter Menuet made a good beginning for the settle- ment of the Swedish colony in America. He guarded his little fort for over three years/ and the Hollanders neither at- tempted, nor were able to overthrow it. After some years of faithful service he died at Christina.1 In his place followed Feter Hollendare, a native Swede, who did not remain at the head of its affairs more than a year and a half.2 He returned home, to Sweden, and was a major at Skepsholm, in Stock- holm, in the year 1655.
1 These are errors; Minuit remained only a few months in New Sweden and died the same year, 1638, in the West Indies on his return voyage to Sweden.
2 Peter Hollender Ridder, the second governor of New Sweden, 1640-1642. See post, p. 98.
10423 ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 66
CHAPTER II
The Administration under Governor Printz. 1. The Second Swedish Colony.
The second emigration took place under Lieutenant-Colonel John Printz, who went out with the appointment of Governor of New Sweden. He had a grant of four hundred rix-dollars1 for his travelling expenses, and one thousand two hundred dol- lars, silver money, as his annual salary. The Company was invested with the exclusive privilege of importing tobacco into Sweden, although that article was even then regarded as unnecessary and injurious, although indispensable since the establishment of the bad habit of its use. Upon the same occasion was also sent out Magister John Campanius Holm,2 who was invited by His Excellency, Member of the Royal Council and Admiral, Claes Flemming, to become the govern- ment chaplain, and watch over the Swedish congregation.
The ship on which they sailed was called the Fama. It went from Stockholm to Gothenburg, and there took in its freight. Along with this went two other ships of the line, the Swan and the Charitas, laden with people and other neces- saries. During the period of Governor Printz ships came to the colony at three different times. The first ship was the Black Cat, with ammunition, and merchandise for the Indians. Next the ship Swan, a second time, with emigrants, in the year 1647. Again two [other] ships, the Key and the Lamp.3 During these times the clergymen, Mr. Lawrence Charles Lockenius 4 and Mr. Israel Holgh, were sent out to the colony.
5. Intrusion of the Hollanders.
The Hollanders intruded upon the Swedes in their traffic with the Indians, and Printz, therefore, sought to keep them under. In the name of the High and Mighty States General
1 About $500, United States currency, or nearly $2,500 in an equivalent value •of our time; the Swedish riksdaler being equal to about $1.25 at that period and about five times as much now. 2 See post, p. 110, note 2.
■ No Lamp is known and the order of the ships is incorrect.
* Rev. Lars Carlsson Lock. See post, p. 150.
66 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1646
and of the West India Company, under which all their trans- actions were carried on, they had never bought as much as a foot's breadth of land; but from time to time sent in some private persons, to treat with the heathen on their own ac- count, and thus tried to find out how the Swedes would like it. In the year 1646 came one Thomas Broen with a permit from Peter Stuyvesant, the Holland Director at New Amsterdam, to settle himself at Mantas Huck,1 on the other side of the bay, directly opposite Tenakongh. This permit he showed to Governor Printz, and desired his aid in the building of his abode. The Governor promised this upon condition that he would place himself under the Swedish government. But when he saw beneath this the trick of the Hollanders, he him- self bought of the Indians the land from Mantas Huck to Nar- ration's, or Raccoon's Kihl,2 and raised upon it a post to which the Swedish coat-of-arms was affixed, whereby the plan of the Hollanders was frustrated for the time.
6. Further about this Matter.
Andries Hudde, appointed commandant ad interim at Fort Nassau on October 12, 1645, protested in writing against Printz 's land-purchase of September 8, 1646, and gave infor- mation of the same to the Director, Peter Stuyvesant, namely, that Governor Printz sought to procure for himself all the land east of the river also; that if he could make himself master of both sides, it was probable that he would export annually thirty or forty thousand beaver skins. Now, as the Holland Company's treasury was entirely empty, and the Hollanders saw that they had no time to lose, they resorted to another plan. Some freemen— Simon Ruth, Cornelius Marizen, Peter Hermansson, Andries Hudde, Alexander Boyer, and David Davids— united together and purchased of the Indians a piece of land extending from Ancocus Kihl 3 to Tenakongh Island,4 another place higher up on the river than where the Governor
1 Mantes, or Mantua Hook, on the east side of the Delaware, a long half league below Fort Nassau, but above Tinicum.
1 Raccoon Creek, in New Jersey, opposite Marcus Hook, in Pennsylvania.
• Now Rancocas Creek, New Jersey.
4 This island is near the present Burlington, New Jewey
1651] ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 67
had his residence, and also took a title therefor; but with the reservation that if the Company wished to purchase it for themselves for the same amount, they would renounce their claim. Governor Printz protested against this as an unbecom- ing proceeding, which protest also Hudde sent over to New Amsterdam. Peter Stuyvesant, in his answer, complains of their inability to maintain their rights, and promises money to buy all the land from Narraticon's Kihl * to the bay, which, however, was never done.
7. The Hollanders7 Purchase of Land, and Building of Fort
Casimir.
Governor Printz had blocked up the passage of the Hol- landers to Fort Nassau by water, but they devised another method of evading his superior power. They entered into a treaty with the Indians for the land which lies between Mani- qua's or Minqua's Kihl and the river, as far as Bombe's Huck or Bambo Hook 2 (Canarosse), and concluded the purchase on July 19, 1651. That agreement was the only one which had yet been made in the name of the States General and the West India Company. But by that they bought the land which the Minquesses had already, in Menewe's time, sold to the Swedes, and it is therefore unreasonable to believe that the true owners of the land subscribed that bill of sale. Imme- diately after this Fort Casimir 3 was built at Sandhuk. Gov- ernor Printz protested strongly against it; but either he had not the means of hindering it, or had not time for it, and so the matter rested.
8. The Injury Remedied by the Building of Elfsborg.
To remedy the injury which the Hollanders inflicted by Fort Casimir, Governor Printz erected upon the place called Wootsessung Sing another Swedish fort, [which he called] Elfsborg,4 one Swedish mile below Sandhuk, and two miles be-
1 Narraticon's Kill, now Raccoon Creek, New Jersey. 8 Bombay Hook. 3 Now New Castle, Delaware.
4 Fort Nya Elfsborg was built by the Swedes in 1643, eight years before the Dutch built Fort Casimir-
68 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1655
low Christina, [but] on the eastern shore, from which that dis- trict of country was in former times, and even now is, called Elsingborg. From this was fired a Swedish salute upon the arrival of Swedish ships. But its principal object was to search the Holland ships which came before it, and (which stuck very hard in their maw) to make them lower their flag. The fort was afterwards abandoned by the Swedes and de- stroyed, as it was almost impossible to live there on account of the gnats (myggor); whence it was for some time called Myggenborg.
9. Other Forts.
Besides these there were Fort Korsholm,1 at Passayunk, where the commander, Sven Schute,2 had his residence. Mana- yungh,3 on the Skorkihl, or Skulkihl, [was] a fine little fort of logs, having sand and stones filled in between the woodwork, and surrounded by palisades, four Swedish miles 4 from Chris- tina, eastwardly. * Mecoponacka, Upland 5 [was] two Swedish miles from Chnstina, and one mile from Gothenburg, upon the river shore, a level plain, with some houses and a fort.
10. Other Places.
Other places were only well known, and not fortified. Chinsessing,6 a place upon the Schuylkill, where five families of freemen dwelt together in houses two stories high, built of whitenut tree, which was at that time regarded as the best material for building houses, but in later times was altogether
1 Fort Nya Korsholm (1047-1653) was not at Passayunk but on the present Province or Fisher's Island, to the west of the mouth of the Schuylkill River.
2 Sven Skute. See post, p. 112, note 1.
3 Another name for Fort Nya Korsholm or its site.
4 About twenty-seven English miles, a Swedish mile being slightly more than six and a half English miles.
6 Now Chester, Pennsylvania, about thirteen English miles from Christina but rather less than half a Swedish mile— say three English miles— from New Gothenburg, or Fort Nya Goteborg, on Tinicum Island.
6 Kingsessing, the district about the creek of that name, also at a later time, at least, called Minquas Kill or Creek, a western affluent of the Schuylkill, near the mouth of the river. Wasa or Nya Wasa (c. 1645) was on the north side of this creek.
1655] ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 69
disapproved of. Karakung ' [had] the watermill,2 which the Governor had built for the people, which was the first in the country. Chamassung,8 also called Finland, a district where the Finns dwelt by the waterside, and Neaman's Kihl,4 one and a quarter miles from Christina. Manathaan,5 or Cooper's Island, was an island below Fort Christina, so called by a cooper, who dwelt there with two Hollanders, and made casks, or wooden vessels and small boats. Techoherassi 6 — Olof Stille's place— Gripsholm,7 Nya Wasa,8 etc., which are marked upon the oldest maps, were places laid out and planned, but did not get established under the Swedish administration.9
11. To what Land the Swedes had a Right, partly by Purchase and partly by Agreement.
The land on the west side of the river, which the Swedes had purchased of the heathen, already in Menewe's time, and afterwards under Governor Printz, or had acquired a right to by agreement, stretched from Cape Hinlopen to the Falls of the Delaware, and thence westward to the Great Fall in the river Susquehanna, near the mouth of the Conewaga Creek.10
1 Karakong, now Cobbs Creek.
2Molndal, or the Swedes mill, on the Karakong Kill, or present Cobbs Creek, was erected in 1645 and was the first water mill within the limits of Penn- sylvania or Delaware. Its site may still be seen at the rocks on the east bank of the stream near the Blue Bell Inn on the road from Philadelphia to Darby.
3 Chammassungh or Finland, where the Finns dwelt, was on the west side of the Delaware River, between the present Marcus Hook in Pennsylvania and the mouth of Naaman's Creek just over the circular state line in Delaware.
4 Now Naaman's Creek; about eight English miles from Christina.
5 Now called Cherry Island Marsh, but no longer an island.
6 On the Delaware at the north side of the present Ridley Creek, now Eddy- stone Borough.
'Thought to be a corruption of Korsholm (Fort Nya Korsholm); it first appears on Visscher's (a Dutch) map of about 1655.
8 On Minquas Kill or Kingsessing Creek, a western affluent of the Schuylkill near the mouth of the river.
9 These places were established by the Swedes.
10 It is doubtful if the Swedes purchased land from the Indians thus far from the Delaware. The Great Falls of Susquehanna River or Conewago Falls are a manifestation of the river's cleavage of the South Mountain range, the southeastern wall of the Great Valley of Pennsylvania and Virginia. They begin on a line directly opposite the mouth of Conewago Creek, the boundary between
70 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1655
These Indians were called, by Europeans in general, Delawares, but within a circle of eighteen miles l around the Swedes, there were ten or eleven separate tribes, each having its own Sackhe- man, or king. Among these were especially the Minesinkos,2 the Mynkusses, or Minequesses,3 upon the so-called Maniquas, or Minqua's Kihl (Christina), with whom the Swedes formed a special friendship. These extended twelve Swedish miles 4 into the interior of the country, on to the Conestoga and the Susquehanna, where they had a fort 5 which was a square sur- rounded by palisades, with some iron pieces on a hill, and some houses within it. But some of them were with the Swedes every day, who also, once or twice in a year, made a journey up into the country among the Minequesses, with their wares for sale. The road was very difficult, over sharp gray stones, morasses, hills, and streams, which can still be very well seen by those who travel between Christina and Lancaster.
the presem Lancaster and Dauphin counties, on the east side of the river, and extend about three-quarters of a mile down the river, not quite so far as the mouth of the other Conewago Creek in York County on the west side of the river. The total descent of the falls is fifteen feet.
1 If Swedish miles are implied the distance would be 118 English miles.
2 The Minsi or Minisinks, a sub-tribe of the Lenni Lenape or Delawares, occupied the northern region of the Delaware River with its affluent, the Lehigh River. The Swedish activity did not reach into this region.
8 The Minquas Indians were not regular inhabitants of the Delaware River and the Minquas Kill or Christina Creek, as Acrelius indicates. They were of Iroquoian stock, as previously stated, living in the lower Susquehanna Valley and to the northwest and from time to time held the Lenni Lenape, or Delaware River Indians in subjection, travelling at intervals from the Susquehanna to the Dela- ware for hunting and fishing, for war or for trade with the whites. See ante, p. 23, and post, p. 103.
4 About seventy-eight English miles.
6 The important fort of the White Minquas or Susquehanna Indians during the Swedish and Dutch regime on the Delaware, was on the west side of Susque- hanna River, near the present Mount Wolf, York County, Pennsylvania, at the south side of the mouth of Conewago Creek, just below the stoppage of navigation by the Great Falls. The "present" fort of the Susquehanna Indians is depicted at the above place as a group of wigwams in a circular stockade, on Augustine Herrman's map, of 1670. Doubtless it was from this fort that the Great Trading Path of the Minquas led across what is now Lancaster, Chester and Delaware counties to Kingsessing Creek or the Upper Minquas Kill at Schuylkill River. Another fort of these Indians was lower down the Susquehanna on the east bank, on the north side of Octoraro Creek, in Cecil County, Maryland.
1655] ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 71
12. Proof of this.
The old Indians still remember the treaties which their forefathers made with the Swedes, as also how far they were disposed to open their land to them. Of this it may serve as evidence to introduce the following extract from the minutes of the treaty made in Lancaster:
The Court-House in Lancaster, June 26, 1744, p. M. Present. — Hon. George Thomas, Esq., Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsylvania, etc.; the Hon. Commissioners of Virginia; the Hon. Commissioners of Maryland; the Deputies of the Six Nations of Indians. Conrad Weiser, Interpreter.
Canasatego, the Indians' spokesman, spoke as follows:
Brother, the Governor of Maryland: When you spoke of the condition of the country yesterday, you went back to old times, and told us you had been in possession of the province of Maryland above one hundred years. But what is one hundred years in com- parison to the length of time since our claim began ? — since we came up out of this ground? For we must tell you that, long before one hundred years, our ancestors came out of this ground, and their children have remained here ever since. You came out of the ground in a country which lies on the other side of the big lake; there you have claim, but here you must allow us to be your elder brethren, and the lands to belong to us long before you knew any- thing of them. It is true that, about one hundred years ago, a Ger- man ' ship came hither and brought with them various articles, such as awls, knives, hatchets, guns, and many other things, which they gave us. And when they had taught us to use these things, and we saw what kind of a people they were, we were so well pleased with them that we tied their ships to the bushes on the shore. And afterwards, liking them still better, and the more the longer they stayed with us, thinking that the bushes were too weak, we changed the place of the rope, and fastened it to the trees. And as the trees might be overthrown by a storm, or fall down of themselves, (for the friendship we had for them) we again changed the place of the rope, and bound it to a very strong cliff. Here the Interpreter*
1 "The Dutch came here in a ship" is the version in the official report in the published Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, IV.
3 At this point Acrelius has omitted a bit of the speech which is supplied from the official Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, IV., as follows: "[here the inter- preter explained that they meant the Oneida country.] And not content with this, for their further security, we removed the rope to the big mountains."
72 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1655
said, They mean the land of Onondago. There we fastened it very securely, and rolled wampum around it. For still greater security, we stood upon the wampum, and sat upon it to guard it, and to prevent all injury, and we took the greatest care to keep it unin- jured for all time. As long as that stood, the newly-arrived Germans1 recognized our right to the country, and from time to time urged us to give them portions of our land, and that they might enter into a union and treaty with us, and become one people with us.2
That this is more correctly said of the Swedes than of the Hollanders can be inferred from this, that the Hollanders never made such a purchase from them as to include their whole country, which the Swedes did; yet the English are rather disposed to explain this in favor of the Hollanders. The savages regarded both the Swedes and Hollanders, being Europeans, as one people, and looked upon their quarrels as disagreements between private families.
13. How Purchases of Land were made from the Heathen.
Purchases of land from the savages were made in this way: Both parties set their names and marks under the purchase- contract. Two witnesses were also taken from among the Christians. When these made their oath that they were present at the transaction, and had seen the payment made, then the purchase was valid. If the kings or chiefs of the Ind- ians signed such an agreement in the presence of a number of their people, then it was legitimate on their side. In for- mer times they were quite faithful, although oaths were not customary among them. But it was not so in later times, after they had had more intercourse with Christians. Payments were made in awls, needles, scissors, knives, axes, guns, powder and balls, together with blankets of frieze or felt, which they wrap around themselves. One blanket suffices for their dress. The same wares they purchased for themselves, for their skins of beavers, raccoons, sables, gray foxes, wildcats, lynxes, bears, and deer.
1 Dutch, according to Colonial Records, IV. a Acrelius omits the remainder of the speech.
1654] ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 73
14. The Indians a Dissatisfied People.
It is true the savages sold their lands at a low rate, but they were a discontented people, who, at no great intervals, must have new gifts of encouragement, if their friendship was to remain firm. Such they always have been, and still are. As they regarded the Swedes and the Hollanders as one people, it was all the same to them which of them had their land, pro- vided only that they frequently got bribes. Three years after Governor Printz's arrival, as gifts were withheld, and Swedish ships came but seldom, the Indians murmured that they did not receive more, and that the Swedes had no more goods for their traffic. Then there came out a rumor that the savages had a mind to fall upon and exterminate them. This went so far that in the year 1654 their sackkernan sent out his son, called his elders together, and had a consultation as to what was to be done. But as they regarded the Swedes as a war- like people, who had better not be irritated, as also that they had dealt justly with them, and were shortly expecting other ships with costly wares, they therefore laid aside all hostile thoughts, and confirmed anew their former friendship.
15. They frequently visited the Swedes.
After the Christians came in, and the savages gave over their country to them, the latter withdrew farther into the forests in the interior of the country. But it was their habit and custom, at certain times of the year, to come forth in great numbers to visit the Swedes, and trade with them. That was done for the most part after they had planted their maize, namely, in the month of June, and so they remained for some time of the summer, when they gathered wild pease, which grew along the river, and dried them. These pease, in their language, were called Tachy. The Indians were not troublesome, as in the meantime they supported themselves by fishing and hunting, which custom they kept until within fifty years since. These tribes were the Delawares and Myn- quesses, or Minnesinks, who called the Swedes their brothers. Sometimes there came with them some of that race which the Swedes called Flatheads, for their heads were flat on the
74 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1654
crown. These were dangerous, and murdered people, when they found anyone alone in the woods. They first struck the person on the head, so that he either died or swooned, after which they took off the skin of the head, after which some persons might revive again. That is called scalping, and is still in use among all the American Indians, and the skin of the head is called a scalp, which is their usual token of victory. An old Swedish woman, called the mother of Lars Bure", living at Chinsessing,1 had the misfortune to be scalped in this man- ner, yet lived many years thereafter, and became the mother of several children. No hair grew on her head again, except short down. On their account the people were compelled to live close together, as also to have stories on their houses pro- vided with loop-holes.2 By their intercourse with the savages the Swedes became well acquainted with the Indian language, and there are still a few of the older ones who express them- selves quite well in it. The savages stayed much with Olof Stille at Techoherafrl, and were very fond of the old man ; b#ut they made a monster of his thick black beard, from which also they gave him a special name.3
16. Governor Printz chastises the Hollanders , and searches
their Ships.
Governor Printz, for some time, played the master in the river of New Sweden, and held the Hollanders under him, al- though he did not exterminate them. Adrian van der Donck, in the passage before cited, testifies how he chastised them at Fort Elfsborg:
The Swedish governor, thinking that now is the right time, has built a fort called Elsingborg. There he holds a high hand over each and all, even over the vessels of our Trading Company,
1 Kingsessing.
2 Apparently blockhouses.
s Olof or Olle Stille, millwright, of Techoheraffi, at the mouth of Olle Still's Kill, now Ridley Creek, at the present borough of Eddystone, Pennsylvania, was a native of Roslagen, in the parish of Lanna, and Penningsby Court, in Sweden, and came over in 1641. His descendant the late Charles J. Stille was provost of the University of Pennsylvania, and president of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
1646] ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 75
and all those who sail up into the South River, compelling them to strike their flags, without exception. He sends two men on board to inquire where they come from. Which is scarcely better than searching us, to which we expect it will come at last. We cannot understand what right those people, the Swedes, have to act so; or how the officers of another power, as these give themselves out to be with full powers, can take upon themselves such high authority over another people's lands and wares, which they have so long had in possession, and sealed with their own blood : especially as we hold it by a charter.
17. Causes the Arms of the States General to be torn down.
The Holland commander had erected the arms of the States General upon the shore of the river, but the Swedish Governor ordered them to be torn down. A Swedish lieutenant was bold enough to perform this errand at Santhickan, now the town of Trenton, where the falls of the river are. When the Hollanders asked him, "How dare you do such a thing?" he answered, "If the very standard of the States General stood there, it would be treated in the same manner." This was done on September 8, 1646.
Adrian van der Donck refers to this in the passage before cited, where he says:
A further proof: Above Maghchachansie or Mechakanzjiaa, at Santhickan, the arms of their High Mightinesses were erected, in consequence of Director Kieft's orders, as a token that the river and all its parts belonged to the dominion, and were the property of the States. But what advantage had we from this? Nothing else than shame, and a diminution of our honor. For the Swedes, in their intolerable haughtiness, threw them down, and now, whilst we keep quiet, they think that they have performed a manly deed. Al- though we have protested against that and various other trespasses, they regard it no more than as if a crow should fly over their heads. If the Swedish Governor gets reinforcements in time, we should have more to fear from him than from the English, or any of their governors. That is in brief what relates to the Swedes, whereof the Company's servants could give fuller information, to whose journals and documents we appeal,
76 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1642
18. The Swedes and Hollanders unite in driving out the English.
However jealous the Hollanders were of the Swedes for the advantages which they thus gained, and however they con- tended with each other for these things, yet they were united as often as it came to shutting the English out of the river. Already in those times the Englishman sought to settle him- self on those coasts, and had so far a claim to it as the western shore was regarded as the rear of Virginia, although the times then gave him the best right who had the most strength. The year before Governor Printz landed, the English had fortified a place upon the Schulkihl, to drive out whom the commis- sary at Fort Nassau received the following orders:
May 22, 1642. Instructions for Jan Jansson Ilpendam, commissary of the West In- dia Company, how to conduct himself upon the South River of the Netherlands:
So soon as the sloops Real and S. Martin arrive, he, the said Jan Jansson Ilpendam, shall repair to both or either of the said sloops (and, if he finds it necessary, he shall collect as great a force as he is able), and go into the Schulkihl, to the place which the English have lately taken possession of, and immediately land there, and demand their orders, and by what authority they under- take to rob us of our land and trade. If they have no royal au- thority, which expressly commands them to set themselves down upon our boundaries, or a copy of the same, he shall compel them, in a polite manner, to remove, so that no blood may be shed. If they refuse this, he shall take them in custody, and convey them on board the sloops, and in other respects see to it that he may main- tain the supremacy, and protect the honor of their High Mighti- nesses, as also of the Most Honorable the West India Company. When the English are either taken or driven away, he shall com- pletely demolish the place. The said Jan Jansson shall also see to it that the English are not injured in their property, of which a full inventory shall be made out in their presence. Done in our Council in the Fort of Amsterdam, and given as aforesaid.
19. Proof thereof \
That the Swedes at such occasions gave assistance [to the Dutch] and probably did the most [for its accomplishment],
1646] ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 77
is also testified by Adrian van der Donck in the place often referred to, although he is greatly mistaken as to the situation of the place.
There lies another creek on the eastern shore, three miles down below the mouth of the river, called Varckens Kihl, where some English settled, but Director Kieft drove them away, and protested against them, being in part supported by the Swedes; for they had both agreed to drive the English away (page 39). The English have, at various times, and in various places, striven to master that river, to which they insist that they have the best right. This has thus far been prevented by protests and forcible expulsion, well knowing that if we allow them to establish themselves, the river will be lost, or we shall be put to great inconvenience, as they will swarm into it in great crowds. It is given out as certain, that many English families are now on their way thither. But if they once get a firm footing, it will soon be all over with both Hollanders and Swedes; at all events, we shall lose part [of the land}, if reinforcements are not speedily sent.
20. The Weakness of the Hollanders.
It now seems that it may be reasonably concluded that the strength of the Hollanders in the river was considerable, seeing that they could effect so much; but these movements did not mean much. A few unarmed English families might be driven out of the country by a small force. On the contrary, they neither drove any trade at that time, nor had they any mili- tary force, which reflected the least honor on the commandant.
21. Proof of this.
The commandant and commissary, Jan Jansson Ilpendam, who commanded at Fort Nassau, was, on October 12, 1646, called to New Amsterdam, to render an account of goods which he had on hand, for both the West India Company and some private persons. Andries Hudde was sent to Fort Nas- sau to examine his books, and return such goods as were un- necessary, but was himself to remain as commandant until further orders, and repair the fort that same year. The maga- zine was in no better condition than that Ilpendam in his
78 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1654
account specifies [the receipt of] only two bales of Harlem cloth, and two beaver-skins, which he had on hand during his time, and that was all that he was now to account for.
22. Further Proof.
Neither could that command have been of much honor or revenue. Andries Hudde, who had been appointed as com- mander ad interim at Fort Nassau, petitioned the Governor and his Council in New Amsterdam, on December 31, 1654, that he might be employed as schoolmaster for New Amster- dam, but the matter was referred to the preachers and their consistory. A singular change from commander to school- master! But neither would that take shape, for in the year 1660 he was secretary to the Governor at Altona [Christina], and at the same time sexton of the church.
23. The Maintenance of the Budget.
The support of the Governor and of the garrison amounted annually to twenty-six hundred and nineteen rix-dollars,1 to be drawn from the excise on tobacco in Sweden, and as the income from this did not amount to so much, the Crown's third of all confiscated tobacco was added to it, as also the fines for the offence. If any loss occurred in the management, it was to be made up out of the department of the excise. All the merchan- dise which was brought from Holland to Gothenburg, to be shipped to New Sweden, together with all the tobacco and pel- tries from New Sweden, were to go free of duty. But the tobacco which the Company imported from Holland was to be subject to a duty.
24. Governor Printz returns Home, and leaves the Administra- tion to John Papegoija.
Governor Printz indeed saw the weakness of the Hollanders, but prudence suggested to him doubts as to how long that might continue, and what might follow thereafter. He looked
1 About $3,273 United States currency, in values of that period, or about $15,368 now.
1648J ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 79
upon New Amsterdam as a place from which a sudden thunder- ing and lightning might burst forth. No doubt he was strong enough to drive the Hollanders out of the river, but how he was afterwards to preserve his advantages he did not know. He had not for a long time had a message from home. The reinforcements which he expected were delayed until his hope turned into despair. Neither were the Indians a people to be much relied upon. As long as the Swedes had anything that they wanted, everything was well; but without that, mur- murs and misunderstandings were heard. Some persons were sent home to Sweden with representations in regard to the existing state of affairs, together with complaints concerning the intrusions by his neighbors, among whom the old Skute l was one. But Governor Printz was afraid that he should have to wait too long; he had not patience to wait for either answer or reinforcement, and therefore, in the year 1652, returned home to Sweden, after he had been in the country ten years. In his place he appointed his son-in-law, Mr. John Papegoija, as Vice-Governor
Chapter III. 18. The Fortune of the Priesthood.
The Christian work which had been aimed at by the send- ing out of five ministers, at the same time received a lamentable check. The Rev. Reorus Torkillus, of East Gothland, who came over with Commandant Menewe, ended his days in Fort Christina, on September 7, 1643. The Rev. John Campanius Holmensis remained no longer than six years, during which time, however, he was very zealous in learning the nature of the country and the language of the heathen, and since he had much intercourse with the wild people, therefore a tradition is still circulated that he travelled up into the interior among them, and so went by land home to Sweden. From his journal, it is seen that he sailed from Elfsborg, in New Sweden, on May 18, and reached Stockholm on July 3, 1648, an uncommonly quick voyage. The Rev. Israel Holgh and Mr. Peter3 followed some years after. Mr. Lars Lock was the only one who re- mained in the country, and took care of the poor and scattered
1 Swen Skute. ■ Rev. Peter Hjort.
80 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1688
Swedes, preaching at Tenakong and Fort Christina until the day of his death, in the year 1688.
19. The Fortune of the Tenacon Church.
Vice-Governor John Papegoija's wife was a daughter of Governor Printz. She lived for many years in the country, residing upon her father's estate at Tenacongh, and preferred calling herself Armegot Printz rather than Madame Papegoija. They still tell of the lady at Tenacong, how haughty she was, and how she oppressed the poor when she was in prosperity, although it is uncertain whether or not she deserved these re- proaches. It is, however, true that she, for a considerable time before her return to Sweden, enjoyed a pension from the Holland government. It is reported that, out of contempt for the Swedes, she sold along with her farm the church which was built upon it, as also the bell, to a Hollander. However that may be, they had to buy their bell back again by two days' reaping in harvest time, after Madame Armegot had gone away. The church was used without hindrance until 1700. Perhaps the bell was not excepted in the bill of sale, although the following obligation was given:
Copy. Laus Deo, May 24, 1673.
I, the undersigned, Armegot Printz, acknowledge to have transferred to the congregation of the adherents of the Augsburg Confession in this place, the bell that has been on Tennakong, that they may do therewith what pleases them, and promise to keep them free from all claims that are made. Before the undersigned witnesses. Given as above.
Armegot Printz. His mark,
P. K. Peter Kock. His mark,
X Jonas Nilsson.
The English, during these changes, had not forgotten their pretensions to the country, but were in the way of coming to an understanding with Sweden in regard to the trade with
1655] ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN 81
America, which now, by the intervention of the Hollanders, was entirely broken off. Finally it came to pass that the Crown of Sweden had to relinquish its West India trade entirely to the English, from which it can be concluded that they did not at that time think of leaving the Hollanders much longer upon the Delaware. In like manner, also, arrangements for peace were made with the Republic of Holland, after which no Swedish flag was ever again seen upon the coast of America, and it is a question, whether or not Sweden was ever given satisfaction for the losses she suffered on the Delaware.
AFFIDAVIT OF FOUR MEN FROM THE KEY OF CALMAR, 1638
INTRODUCTION
This graphic bit of narrative, the sailors' own tale of how the first Swedish expedition arrived in Christina Creek, and how the Indians ceded their land to the newcomers, was sworn to before an Amsterdam notary in the same year, 1638, and is prime historical evidence. The original manuscript, which is a German translation of the Dutch original made at the same time and signed by the same notary, was found in the Kammararkiv (Archives of the Exchequer) in Stock- holm, Sweden, by Dr. Amandus Johnson, who translated it. It is here printed for the first time in translation, but a fac- simile of the original German manuscript is given in Dr. Johnson's Swedish Settlements, between pp. 184 and 185.
Of the four men of the Key of Calmar making this report, two were Dutchmen. The one, Michell Simonssen, the mate, "a fine honest man, well acquainted with the coast of North America from previous voyages/7 was from Zaandam; the other, Peter Johanssen, the upper boatswain, was from the Beemster. The gunner, Johan Joachimssen, was also probably Dutch. Jacob Evertssen Sandelin, the second mate, was a Scotchman, and later figures in New Sweden as the mate of the ship Charitas on the third expedition to the colony in 1641- 1642. About 1644 he seems to have come into a ship of his own, called the Scotch Dutchman, in which he traded to New Amsterdam, bringing a large cargo of goods to Governor Printz in 1645.
A. C. M.
85
AFFIDAVIT OF FOUR MEN FROM THE KEY OF CALMAR, 1638
Be it known by the contents of this open instrument, to everyone, especially however to him whose business it is to know, that on the 29th of December, in the year sixteen hun- dred and thirty-eight, appeared personally in the presence of the witnesses named below, before me Peter Ruttens, the re- siding public notary in the city of Amsterdam, admitted and sworn by the Supreme Court in Holland, the mate Michell Simonss., from Sardam,1 about the age of fifty-four years; the gunner Johan Joachimss., about the age of thirty years; the second mate, Jacob Evertss. Sandelin from Scotland, about the age of thirty-eight years; the upper boatswain, Peter Johanss., from the Bemster,2 about the age of twenty-seven years; all four of whom, in the abovementioned respective capacities, have lately served on the ship called the Key of Calmar, and have come with her from West India to this coun- try. And the testimony was produced [at the instance of Peter Spiring] 3 that the abovementioned mate, together with the director Peter Minuit, the skipper Johan von de Water and the former upper boatswain Andress Lucassen and still other officers of the ship's-council, were on this ship, and an examina- tion was made by order of the honorable Mr. Peter Spiring, Lord of Norsholm, financial councillor of the worshipful crown of Sweden, and resident of the same in the Hague, and [the above witnesses] have on their manly word and on their con-
1 Zaandam in Holland, a town about six miles northwest of Amsterdam.
2 Beemster, a town twelve miles north of Amsterdam, in Holland, in the midst of a district called the Beemster, formerly a lake, which by 1612 was re- claimed from the sea largely through the active interest of Willem Usselinx, later the leader in the initial steps of the New Sweden movement.
3 Peter Spiring Silfverkrona (d. 1652), son of a wealthy Dutch merchant, went into the service of the Swedish government. In 1035 he was sent as a repre- sentative of Swedish interests to Holland. See Amandus Johnson, Swedish Settle- ments, pp. 695-696, and passim.
1638] AFFIDAVIT OF FOUR SAILORS 8?
science without and by the confirmation of a sworn oath, affirmed it to be true [as here related]. And at first the above mentioned Michell Simonss. and Johan Joachimss. related in what manner they, in this now ending year, sailed on the abovementioned ship so far into the South River that they came to and by another river, the Minquas Kil,1 which they also in like manner sailed into. And they made their presence known with all kinds of signs, both by the firing of cannon and otherwise, and also sailed several miles into the same [Minquas] river, and went into the country, but neither found nor ob- served any sign or vestige of Christian people. Neither did they meet nor see any Christian people ; whereupon the above- mentioned Director Peter Minuit requested and caused the nations or people to whom the land really belonged to come before him, whom he then asked, if they wished to sell the river, with all the land lying about there, as many days' journeys as he would request. This they agreed to with the common consent of the nations. The parties were therefore agreed with one another, and thereupon, on the twenty-ninth of March of the above year, appeared and presented themselves before the abovementioned ship's council, in the name of their nations or people, five Sachems or princes, by the name of Mattahorn,2 Mitot Schemingh,3 Eru Packen, Mahamen, and Chiton, some being present [on behalf] of the Ermewormahi,4 the others on behalf of the Mante 5 and Minqua 6 nations. And these sachems or princes, at the same time and place, in the presence of the whole ship's council and hence also of the two first-named witnesses, ceded, transported, and transferred
1 Now Christina Creek.
3 Mattahorn, also Amattahorn, possibly of the Delaware Indians of the sub- tribe of the Ermewarmoki mentioned below, who is said to have sold land at the Schuylkill to the Dutchman Arent Corsen in 1633, granted land at the Sandhook, later Fort Casimir, to Stuvyesant in 1651.
8 Mitotschemingh or Mitasemint was a chief mentioned in several land transactions with the Dutch and Swedes. He was dead by July, 1651.
* The Ermewarmoki, also called Eriwoms, Arwames, Ermomex, and Armeo- mecks, apparently a tribe of the Lenni Lenape or Delaware River Indians located near the present Gloucester, New Jersey.
8 The Mantes of the Delaware or Lenni Lenape tribes were doubtless lo- cated on or near the Mantes Kill, the present Mantua Creek, New Jersey, nearly opposite Tinicum Island.
6 The Minquas or Susquehanna Indians.
88 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1638
all the land, as many days' journeys on all places and parts of the river as they requested; upwards and on both sides. Be- cause, however, they did not understand our language, the abovementioned Andress Lucassen, who had before this lived long in the country and who knew their language, translated the same into their speech. Thereupon they all unanimously with one another declared in what manner they transported, ceded, and transferred the said land with all its jurisdiction, sovereignty, and rights to the Swedish Florida Company1 under the protection and patronage of the most illustrious and most mighty Princess and Virgin Christina, elected Queen of the Swedes, Goths and Wends. At the same time they acknowl- edged that they, to their satisfaction, were paid and fully com- pensated for it by good and proper merchandise, which was delivered and given to them in the personal presence of the abovementioned witnesses and of others of the [ship's] coun- cil. The two first-mentioned witnesses and attestors affirm that they have heard and seen all this, and were present as witnesses. Thus the abovementioned Jacob Evertss. Sandelin attests that he with the often-mentioned director himself had [gone] up the Minquas Kill, and also journeyed several miles into the country; but they had nowhere seen nor observed any sign or vestige of Christian people. And he further de- poses and says, together and in company with the above- mentioned upper boatswain Peter Johanss., that both of them and the rest of the ship's people, all together, saw the princes of the abovementioned nations enter the cabin of their ship, whereupon they heard and understood that the said princes had ceded and transferred the land in the above-described manner. And thereupon they give testimony, and all four with one another affirm that, after the completion of the said ceding and transference, followed the erection of the arms of Her Illustrious Majesty of Sweden, accompanied by the firing of cannon and other solemn ceremonies, in the presence of said sachems or princes, and the country was called New Sweden. Then a fort was built on the bank of the river, and the same river was given the name of the Elb-River 2 under
1 1, e., the New Sweden Company, founded in 1637 for trade on the South or Delaware River.
2 Now Christina Creek.
1638] AFFIDAVIT OF FOUR SAILORS 89
other solemnities; the fort, however, was called Christina. Here the attestors, closing this account of theirs, after the re- lation perseveringly insisted in its veracity and hence that it was to be considered as true. They also offered to confirm the same with an oath of grace before me the aforesaid notary. Accordingly, permission was granted to the exhibitor [Peter Spiring], to use and to make, concerning this, one or more open documents in due form, when and wherever it is proper, which in part has been done in this city of Amsterdam, in the lodging and writing-room of my office, in the sight and pres- ence of the honest Cornelius Vignois and David dc Willet, called in for this purpose as credible witnesses. Attested, upon request, by the abovementioned.
P. Ruttens, Nots. Pub. 1639o
REPORT OF GOVERNOR JOHAN PRINTZ,
1644
INTRODUCTION
This report, like the other Swedish narratives that follow, is an orderly official statement, and thoroughly reliable. The Swedish original is strongly and clearly expressed ; it contains fewer of the Dutch and other foreign words found in Rising's reports, and the sentences are shorter and less involved than in most similar contemporary documents. The author, Johan Printz, governor of New Sweden, had spent only a little over a year on the Delaware, yet he had secured a firm grasp of the situation, and he affords us an intimate view of the problems and conditions of the colony at the end of its first six years of existence.
Johan Printz was bom in Bottnaryd in Smaland, in the southern part of Sweden, in 1592. He received a liberal edu- cation in the universities of Rostock, Greifswald, Leipzig, Wittenberg, and Jena. After an adventurous youthful career in Germany and Italy, and in the armies of France and Austria, he returned to Sweden in 1625. Entering the Swedish army he saw service in the German campaigns, and in 1638 was raised to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Forced to surrender the Saxon city of Chemnitz in 1640, he was removed from his command. Receiving knighthood, in November, 1642, at the age of fifty, he sailed for America with his family, to assume the governorship of New Sweden.
Arriving in the colony in February, 1643, he established his household on Tinicum Island and made that the capital. For the next ten years he ruled the Delaware with the strong arm of the soldier, maintained the supremacy of the Swedish crown against the Dutch and English, extended the bounds of the colony, carried on the Indian trade, and in general, seems to
93
94 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
have governed in the manner best suited to the rough fron- tier conditions. Under him New Sweden saw its best days. Physically he was a huge man, weighing over four hundred pounds; the Indians called him the "big tub." His hospitable side, as we have seen, is depicted in the pages of De Vries.
In 1653, dissatisfied with the outlook for the colony, Printz returned home. In 1658 he was made commander of the castle of Jonkoping, in southern Sweden, and in the following year governor of Jonkopingslan, where he died in 1663. Fur- ther references to him may be obtained in Johnson's Swedish Settlements, especially pp. 688-690.
The original manuscripts of this report, two in number, one in Swedish and the other in German translation, both signed by Printz, are in the Riksarkiv (Royal Archives) at Stockholm. The Swedish manuscript, which is defective in parts, has been printed with some omissions in the appendix of Claes Theodor Odhner's Swedish book, Kolonien Nya Sveriges Grundldggning (The Founding of the Colony of New Sweden), 1637-1640, (Stockholm, 1876), pp. 27-36. Our text is a translation by Dr. Amandus Johnson from Odhner in com- parison with transcripts of the Swedish and German manu- scripts in the collection of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- vania, the defective parts of the Swedish being supplied from the German transcript. The brief portion relating to Sir Edward Plowden, as translated by Dr. Gregory B. Keen, has been previously published in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, VII. 50-51 (1883), and in Justin Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, III. 456-460 (1884); the list of colonists and of the dead is printed in Johnson's Swedish Settlements, pp. 700-709. The remainder of the report is now published for the first time in English.
A. C. M.
REPORT OF GOVERNOR JOHAN PRINTZ,
1644
Relation to the Noble West India Company in Old Sweden i sent out of New Sweden on June 11, Anno 1644.
1. The ship Fama arrived here in New Sweden at Fort Christina the 11th of March, and is now sent away in the name of God on the 11th 2 of June. The reason for this long delay has especially been this, that we have this past year not had any special cargoes and therefore no returns to send home again, but now the trade went well with the savages, [and we delayed in order] that the ship might not go back again empty, and that the goods which now were bought might not lie for years and days and be eaten and destroyed by moths, mice, and other vermin (which are very plentiful and destructive) but be sent over with the ship as now has happened. God grant hereto luck and His gracious blessing, that the ship, goods, and people may arrive well preserved and in a right time at the place to which they are destined, etc.
2. The goods sent from Sweden are safely delivered, as the receipt shows, except a good deal of the linen, and the stock- ings, which are moulded and entirely ruined, as the skipper and his people have seen, yet the abovementioned articles were not (as one observes) ruined on the ship, but in Gothenburg in a cellar or in some other damp house, where they were care- lessly allowed to stand. And this loss, due to Timon von Schotting,3 can be searched and examined there through him, who is more able to write about it than I am, and ought to be held to account for so considerable a loss.
3. Timon von Schotting has also forgotten to put the price
1 Or, the New Sweden Company.
1 Really sailed about July 20. Cf. Printz's next report for 1647, post, p. 120.
1 Timon van Schotting (1603-1674), a native of Flanders, at the age of about
twenty-four accompanied his father to Sweden, settling at Gothenburg, appar-
95
96 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1644
on the articles, which he has now sent here, which was done last year, and always used to be done. And it ought not to be otherwise, in order that one may know how to make up the bill for each one of those, who are later discharged, and what amount they have received here, and that it may then be subtracted from their salary on their return home. But probably this is done with a purpose, in order that, as it happened last year, both the proof and the price of all kinds of goods should be sent back again. And to this paragraph also belongs the remark that one ought not to give to the wives or authorized representatives of these people [in Sweden] any- thing on their salaries before they have been informed from here how much they have received, because part of them have spent so much money during their sickness that they have very little to claim, or nothing at all.
4. The returns which it has been possible to bring together in a hurry are herewith sent over, namely, whole beavers, 1300, one-third-part beavers, 538, half-beavers, 299, and one- fourth-part beavers, 5, total, small and large beavers alto- gether, 2142 pieces. The tobacco which is now sent over makes all together 20467 lbs. And how the trade has pro- gressed here in the last year as well as now, since the ship was here, the commissary's account and written relation will fully show. And it is necessary that we have ships here again next December with all sorts of cargoes, according to the specifica- tions enclosed. If this does not happen the Company will in the future suffer no less damage than it suffered in the past year, which cannot be repaired with 20,000 florins. One does not send the beavers now as formerly and as happened before my time, all mixed, large and small together, but, both to prevent fraud and also on account of the customs collector, each kind, as has been said, is packed and strongly sealed by itself, according to which the commissary, both now and here- after, ought and shall make his account. In the same manner it can also be seen from the bills that [15476] lbs.1 of the tobacco
ently in mercantile business. In 1639 he was appointed factor for the New Sweden Company, and served until 1645 when he was compelled to resign for negligence in office. Later he became burgrave of Gothenburg, and died there. See Amandus Johnson, Swedish Settlements, especially p. 695.
1 See Amandus Johnson, Swedish Settlements, pp. 317, 318.
1644] REPORT OF GOVERNOR PRINTZ, 1644 97
is Virginian tobacco, bought for 6 and 7 stivers ' a pound. The rest [4991] lbs. were planted here in New Sweden, one part by our English at Varken's Kil, one part by our Swedish free- men, for which we have paid eight stivers a pound; the reasons for giving our own more than the strangers are, first, that one would make them in the beginning more industrious ; secondly, in order that people, both of our own nation and strangers, may in larger numbers come here and settle under Her Royal Majesty. When the land, with the help of God, has thus been populated, then one could easily regain the damage which is not very large ; yet I have presented this as well as all other things to the Honorable Company's gracious consideration. But our Swedish freemen request humbly that they may be allowed to send their tobacco to old Sweden, where it can be sold to the Company with greater advantage than here.
5. God grant success to the Caribbean trade, and we hope in case it is rightly administered and faithfully managed that it will become a large means for the continuation of this work. Thus the tobacco trade was last year made free in Virginia to all strangers by the payment of toll; if we had here suitable goods which could be taken to Virginia then one could yearly bring from there a considerable quantity of tobacco with our sloops and increase the supply of the same on the arrival of our ships, and twice as good tobacco for as good a bargain, I suppose, as can be obtained from Cribitz,2 and the toll be paid at the residence seat Kekathan,3 50 4 miles up in the river. But we could have a good deal of tobacco from Heckemak 5 yearly and would not need to give toll, but we could arrange with the merchants that they pay the duty, which they can do with practically nothing.
6. Of the people twenty-five have died during the year at
1 About 16 cents then or about 80 cents now, the stiver equalling about 2 cents then, or 10 cents now.
2 The Caribbees or Lesser Antilles in the West Indies.
s Kecoughtan, on the James River, in Virginia, near Hampton and Old Point Comfort.
4 I.e., apparently, fifty German miles or two hundred and thirty English miles from Fort Christina or the Swedish settlements to Kecoughtan in Virginia.
5 Accomac, near the end of the Eastern Shore of Virginia, in what is now Northampton County.
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different places, as the daily register shows—twelve laborers, eight soldiers, two freemen, two women.1 The others who are preserved, officers and common people, have no longer any desire to remain here, but since I have caused some provisions to be bought from the English and Dutch sloops and given it to them on their request as part of their salary, they have had better health and have become more willing and have allowed themselves to be persuaded to remain here yet for some time. One observes indeed that it is more for the harm than for the benefit of the Company to give to the people here a part of their salary from those goods which have been bought to be used in trade, from which sum the gain will be subtracted at home, yet rather than that the people should leave, as has now happened, I have at all events thought it more advisable to preserve the people than to look upon the small gain ; one sees that the amount and the damage are moderate and will not become in the end altogether too great. But if Her Royal Majesty and the Honorable Company should graciously de- cide to erect a trading-place and a shop with all sorts of pro- visions, small wares, cloth, and other goods, placing over it a wise and faithful man, who would have both that and other provisions under his charge and in his care, from which they could be given on their salary as much as each one should re- quest, then the people could month after month be paid out of the gains alone, and the Honorable Company would prob- ably retain the capital and a large part of the profit for its benefit, for everything is fearfully dear here. One barrel of malt, Swedish measure, is worth seven, yes even eight, rix- dollars, a pound of hops, half a rix-dollar, a pound of pork ten stivers, a pound of butter ten stivers, a barrel of grain six rix- dollars, which here could be sown, brewed, and baked and then sold for the highest price to the people. For one barrel of meat I have paid to the English 135 florins, which makes 54 rix-dollars; in short everything is expensive.
7. I planted last year maize all over, thinking, according to the representations of Peter Hollander,2 to receive yearly
1 Add, to make 25, the preacher, Rev. Reorus Torkillus.
3 Peter Hollender Ridder (1607-1691), the second governor (1640-1643) of New Sweden, succeeding Peter Minuit, was of Dutch or German origin, but had entered the Swedish service as early as 1635, being employed by the Admiralty in various capacities in Finland and Sweden. He arrived in the colony with the
1644] REPORT OF GOVERNOR PRINTZ. 1644 99
food for nine men from the planting of one man, but I received, as well on the one place as on the other, from the work of nine men hardly a year's nourishment for one man. Immediately I sent the sloop to Manathans1 and caused to be bought there for the company seven oxen, one cow, and [75]2 bushels of winter rye. And although they arrived a little late in the year yet I have caused three places to be sown with rye, also a little barley in the spring. It looks very fine. In addition to this, maize can be bought cheaply from the savages here in the river, so that I hope that the nourishment of the people shall not be so expensive hereafter as it has been before. And therefore I have appointed the people to plant tobacco on all places and have engaged a special master or tobacco planter for a monthly wage of 35 florins ; 3 who made good proof of his competence last year. How this will turn out will depend on God and the weather; one must hope, with the help of God, for the best. But as concerns salt-making, oil manufactories, whale-catching, minerals, or silk worms, I must report that I have not been able to find an opportunity for these things, as is reported in my former letters.
8. The places which we now possess and occupy are: 1. Elfsborg, which now (especially on the one side) is so secure that there is no need to fear any attack (if it is not entirely too severe); 2. Christina; 3. Tinnakongh; these two places are also in like manner made so strong that those who are therein need not fear for any savages, even if they were several thou- sands; 4. Upland; 5. Schylenkyll;4 these two places are now open, yet strong wooden houses are built upon them with small stone-cannon. In the Schylenkyll there have now been bought, since we received a cargo, three hundred beavers for the Hon- orable Company, yet with such discretion that the Hollanders
second expedition, in 1640. Upon his return to Sweden he was advanced in the naval service from lieutenant to captain and to major, finally in 1663 receiving the command of the castle of Viborg in Finland. See Amandus Johnson, Swedish Settlements, pp. 691-692.
1 Manhattan, or New Amsterdam.
2 See Amandus Johnson, Swedish Settlements, p. 313.
8 About $17 United States currency in values of that period, or about $87 in terms of present day values; the florin, a Dutch coin, being equal to about 50 cents at that time, or about $2.25 to-day.
* Evidently Wasa, or Nya Wasa, at Kingsessing.
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are not in any manner offended, and although they do not gladly see us here, but always protest and in the meantime loosen the tongue, yet they have nevertheless since I came here kept and yet keep with us good friendship, especially their commander in Manathans, Willem Kiefft, who often and in most cases, when he has been able, has written to me and advised me about what has happened in Sweden, Holland, and other European places. He reminded me indeed in the begin- ning in his letters about the pretension of the Dutch West India Company to this entire river, but since I answered him with as good reasons as I could and knew how, he has now for a time relieved me of this protesting. Now a new commander is about to arrive and in that case probably a new action may follow. But how hard the Puritans * have lain upon my neck and yet do lay can be seen from the acts which are enclosed here. I believe that I shall hardly get rid of them in a peace- ful manner because they have sneaked into New Netherland also with their Pharisean practices. Now they are so strong there that they have chased the Hollanders from that place called Fort River,2 and now keep it with violence although it
1 Printz had difficulties with New Haven as well as Boston Puritans. The people from New Haven, who in 1641 had made a settlement on the Varkens Kill, now Salem Creek, New Jersey, under the leadership of the agent, George Lam- berton, secured yet another location higher up the Delaware River, at the eastern terminus of the great trading path of the Minquas Indians, from the Susquehanna Valley and beyond, so as to participate in the valuable beaver trade with them. There in 1642, on the present Fisher's or Province Island at the south side of the mouth of the Schuylkill River, as Dr. Amandus Johnson makes clear in his Swedish Settlements, p. 213, the New Englanders built a blockhouse, the first edifice definitely recorded as erected within the present limits of Philadelphia. Both the Dutch and the Swedes vainly protested against this competition, and finally the Dutch descended upon the place, burned the blockhouse and adjacent dwellings, and carried the settlers to New Amsterdam. Lamberton escaped with his vessel, but later