UsHA R Bala Krishnan

PHOTOGRAPHY BhARATH RamAmRUTHAM

One of the most outstanding collections of gemstones and jewellery was acquired by the Indian government in 1995. Sometimes worn but never shown, these jewels once belonged to the Nizams of Hyderabad, reputed to be the richest men in the world.

Jewels of the Nizams is the first ever study and documentation of this collection. Once part of the Nizams’ state regalia and personal heritage, the ornaments date from the early 18* century to the early 20**?^ century. Finely crafted from gold and silver and highlighted with exquisite enamelling, the jewels are set with Colombian emeralds, diamonds froni the Golconda mines, Burmese rubies and spinels, and pearls from Basra and India.

Though only a fraction Of the legendary wealth of the Asaf Jah dynasty, the collection is breathtaking when translated into gem weights. There are over 25,000 diamonds weighing in excess of 12,000 carats, more than

2,000 emeralds weighing over 10,000 carats,

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and pearls exceeding 40,000 chows.

Jewels of the Nizams documents this unique collection of jewels that give credence to legends, apocryphal tales and fading memories of a fabulously wealthy dynasty that ruled the Deccan for seven generations.

FRONT COVER; Kanthi Almas Kanval (NJ 95.106)

BACK cover: Brooch Almas Chantara Numa Kanval {HJ 95.5)

PUBLISHER’S NOTE

_ qS*SD _

The publisher gratefully acknowledges the valuable contribution of Mr Narendra Luther. His insightful essay on the history of the Asaf Jah dynasty provides a pivotal backdrop to the story of this collection. The essay traces the origins of the dynasty and chronicles the reign of the Asaf Jah Nizams in the Deccan through seven generations, until Hyderabad state was integrated with the Union of India after independence.

Born in 1933, Narendra Luther spent his early years in Lahore and migrated to India after its Partition. He joined the Indian Administrative Service in 1955, but kept up his hobby of writing throughout his official career. He is a well-known writer and humorist and has for a long time headed Zinda Dilan, a renowned society of humorists. In 1985, he organised the first and highly successful World Humour Conference.

Narendra Luther was the sole administrator of Hyderabad for three years, from 1974 to 1977, and retired as Chief Secretary of Andhra Pradesh. He was appointed the executive head of the committee for the quartercentenary celebrations of Hyderabad in 1991.

He is a prolific writer and has a number of books in English, Urdu and Oriya to his credit. He has authored Hyderabad: Memoirs of a City as well as Prince, Poet, Lover, Builder, a biography of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, the founder of Hyderabad. His published work also includes Wit and Wisdom in English and Band Kiwardcnd Hawai Columbus in Urdu.

Narendra Luther lives in Hyderabad where he divides his time between writing and management consultancy.

Jewels

OF THE

Nizams

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Jewels

OF THE

Nizams

UsHA R Bala Krishnan

Photography BhARATH RaMAMRUTHAM

ISBN 81-85832-15-3

© Government of India, 2001

DESIGN Design Temple EDITOR Carmen Kagal PRODUCTION Sunil Mehta PROCESSING Reproscan PRINTING Silverpoint

PUBLISHED BY

Department of Culture, Government of India, Shastri Bhavan, Nev\/ Delhi 110 001

IN ASSOCIATION WITH

India Book House Pvt Ltd, 412 Tulsiani Chambers, Nariman Point, Mumbai 400 021 India Tel 91 22 284 0165 Fax 91 22 283 5099 E-mailibhpub@vsnl.com

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, electronic, mechanical or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers.

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION	6
The Asaf Jahs	12
Narendra Luther
The Sale	26

The Jewels	38
The Catalogue	66
Gemstones	68
Turban Ornaments	80
Necklaces and Pendants	102
Belts and Buckles	142
Earrings	156
Armbands	164
Bangles and Bracelets	184
A NKLETS	196
Cufflinks and Buttons	200
Watch Chains	206
Rings	214
T 0 E - R I N G s	226
N 0 S E - R I N G S	227
Notes	228
Glossary	232
Bibliography	233
Acknowledgements	235
Photo Credits	235
Index	236

Mahboob Aii Khan, the r,ixil'. Mf^am of HyriPrabad, stands amidst a glfttonag assembly of Indiari princes durmg tbe Dettri Durtar, 1903. Simply attired in a longi black coat, he presents a so iking contrast to his bBjewelled rellow rulers.

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INTRODUCTION

In the public mind, the Nizam of Hyderabad is inextricably linked with the image of astronomical wealth and fabulous jewels. Indeed, the Nizam’s jewellery collection is one of the most valuable in the world, although its precise worth and real extent has always been unknown. And so in 1972, the news that the collection was being offered for sale to tbe Government of India caused a sensation in the world of jewellery. But negotiations between the government and the trustees dragged on for years, threatening repeatedly to break down and throw open the offer to all bidders.

This possibility aroused universal excitement and a wide range of reactions. At one end of the scale were the strident voices of patriotism passionately urging that the jewels remain in India. At the other end was a world of international collectors intensely excited by the prospect of acquiring part of India’s romantic and exotic past. Somewhere in between, were those silent masters of shadow-boxing - patriotic on the surface but calculating the vast profits that could be made from orchestrating a sale of this magnitude. Former royals watched silently and apprehensively. There was a spurt of private sales, as many hastily disposed of important and valuable items in the fear that their treasuries might be targeted next. It would be 23 long years before the curtain came down on a saga that was avidly followed within the country and in international jewellery circles. The unfolding drama of the Nizam’s jewels would entail court cases, tantrums, intrigue, conflicting decisions and colossal expenses.

The jewels represented many things to many people. The heirs and beneficiaries of tbe Nizam’s jewellery trusts were only concerned with obtaining the best possible price. For them, the money they would receive was a chance to pay off their debts and start life afresh. To the Government of India, the jewels constituted a national heritage - especially since so many historical jewels had all vanished. No other ruler had constituted a jewellery trust, and this was a chance to acquire some - albeit an infinitesimally minute fraction - of India’s legendary riches. To the tax department, it was an opportunity to recover the large outstanding dues from the Nizam’s trusts. To jewellers and gem dealers, the interest was purely gemmological. The quantity and quality of gems that would become available was like manna from heaven. Writing in the 1950s, D F Ixaraka, Nizam VII, Mir Osman Ali Khan’s unofficial biographer, had said that the gems were priceless and “if they were put on the market all at once, they would wreck it.”' To scholars, monetary values were purely academic. The opportunity to study a group of jewels that dated to the 18*'’, 19^*’ and early 20^'’ centuries, and that belonged to the wealthiest and foremost nati\e prince of India, was unprecedented.

Examples of really old jewellery in India are rare since from one generation to the other stones and precious metals were re-cycled into new ornaments. Very few pieces have been found in archaeological excavations and those with a watertight provenance are rarer still. Most jewels have had a highly chequered history. They constituted the portable treasury of the state and served as cash to buy loyalty, recruit troops, bribe the enemy or reward allegiance. Moreover, the ease with which gemstones could be carried made them the prime target of invaders on looting expeditions.

I n t r o tl u c t i o n

The Imperial (Jacob) Diamond NJ 95.89

Bazuband Almas Parab NJ 95.83/1-2

Kanthi Marvareed Kanval Almas Mai Padak NJ 95.67

Chintak Zamarrud NJ 95.90

Kamar Patta Jaravi Barai Sari NJ 95.105

Thus jewellery has always served several purposes in the Indian socio-cultural milieu - heyond mere adornment. To women, with whom jewels are most commonly associated, they constituted personal wealth and security. They were also emblems of social status and prestige. To kings and nobles, jewels reiterated the material power and might of their realm; and in the sphere of the metaphysical, the prophylactic and apotropaic powers of gems were essential to ward off the omnipresent evil eye. To gods and goddesses, men, women and children, royal, urban or rural, rich or poor, jewels were much coveted possessions.

Displays of enormous wealth in the form of ornaments have always been credible affirmations of sovereignty to the emperors and maharajas of India. Right up to the late 19^'’ and early 20‘^’ century, such displays were still relevant. A monarch’s status was proclaimed to all by his gem-encrusted throne, the glittering stones set in his turban ornaments and the jewels that adorned his neck, arms, waist and weapons. But royal jewels have always been shrouded in mystery - hidden away in treasuries, guarded by eunuchs and soldiers, and sometimes inaccessible even to the ruler. Over the centuries, innumerable travellers and chroniclers have recorded and even fabricated legends and myths about the mines, gem bazaars and wealth of the Indian royals.

The Nizams, maharajas and nawabs of India belong to the realm of history; but glimpses of their past, their lifestyles and traditions are manifest in a few remaining majestic palaces, the costly objects that they surrounded themselves with and, most of all, in their jewels. The jewels of a monarch evoke memories of wealth, authority, sovereignty, relations with foreign powers, prevailing tastes and fashions, the vicissitudes of life and the shifting fortunes of dynasties. They are the last enduring symbols of the glory of a bygone era - of royal ateliers, patronage of the arts, enduring craftsmanship skills and a flourishing international trade. The diamond-studded belt (NJ 95.105) recalls the legendary Golconda mines - mines that once yielded the largest and finest diamonds in the world. The Jacob diamond (NJ 95.89) is a vivid reminder of the machinations of the gem trade. The exquisitely enamelled armbands (NJ 95.83/1-2) recreate the luxuriant foliage of the Islamic paradise garden.

The formation of the Nizam’s jewellery trusts in 1951 and 1952 marks the culmination of one stage in the story of the jewels. jVfter incorporation of the trusts, the jewels were locked in the vaults of the Mercantile Bank (now the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank) in Bombay. In the almost three decades since 1972, (when they were first offered to the Government of India) there have been innumerable tantalizing references to the jewels of the Nizams of Hyderabad, believed to be one of the finest and most valuable collections of Indian jewellery in the world. It was only in 1995, when the sale was completed in a photo-finish finale and the jewels shifted to the security of the Reserve Bank of India in Bombay, that the saga of the Nizam’s jewels drew to a conclusion. In commemoration of the

8 Jewels of the Nizams

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occasion, a media photographer was permitted to take a few quick pictures of select items. ^

This then is the story of the incalculable wealth of the Asaf Jah dynasty. Wealth that has lain concealed in the darkness of a bank vault for over 50 years. It is the study and documentation of gemstones and jewels that few people have had the opportunity to ever see and handle.

The purpose of the post-sale documentation was twofold: first, to prepare a comprehensive record of the jewels; and second, to place them in an art-historical context by attempting to establish their provenance and studying their design and workmanship. Ideally, such a study, the first of its kind, would require an extended period of time; but security considerations precluded this luxury.

A brisk pace had to be established to complete the examination and study in the time allocated - a mere 4-5 days - and to photograph the pieces for publication and further study. Accurate photographic recording was very important and therefore had to be accorded the maximum time, since henceforth the photographs alone might have to suffice for future scholars.

Each item had to be removed from its case or packet, recorded and verified against an earlier inventory that had been prepared by the government when the jewels were first valued. The detailed task of

counting the gemstones in each piece was the next step. Then, the jewel was measured and weighed, and its condition noted. Precious time was then spent in examining the style and workmanship to ascertain provenance and antiquity. The piece was arranged to bring out the quality of its stones and the workmanship, and then photographed against a specially prepared backdrop. Thereafter, it was once again verified against the inventory, recorded and returned to its case. The Government of India inventory, prepared when the jewels were valued and eventually purchased, lists 173 items. However, the actual number of pieces (accounting for pairs of armbands, sets of buttons, groups of turban ornaments and rings) is 325, not including the Jacob diamond and the 22 unset emeralds. All these items, many of them front and back, were documented in just four days. The task was demanding, to say the least, and the time woefully short. The responsibility to fellow historians involved in the complex task of accurately dating Indian jewellery was an onerous one.

There were several occasions when the brisk pace faltered. Wlien the Jacob diamond emerged, an entire one-and-a-half hours simply went by magically - as stunned and mesmerized the 184.50 carat gem was reverently handled. This was an occasion that was not likely to come again. The diamond was measured, weighed and minutely examined. Its size, lustre and brilliance rendered

Mir Osman Ali Khan poses for a formal portrait soon after his accession as the seventh Nizam in 1911, wearing a turban ornament similar to the Sarpech Murassa NJ 95.109.

Introduction 9

every one in the room speechless. The magnificent diamond belt (NJ 95.33) similarly halted proceedings. Besides the sheer breathtaking beauty of the ornament, the stones had to be counted over and over again to accurately record their number. The majestic turban ornaments, the pearl and diamond necklace (NJ 95.67), the awesome emerald necklace (NJ 95.90), all slowed down the momentum of work with their commanding presence.

In addition to the famous Imperial Jacob’ diamond and 22 unset emeralds, the collection comprises turban ornaments, necklaces, earrings, armbands, bracelets, belts, buttons and cufflinks, anklets, watch chains and rings - all jewels once worn by the Nizams of Hyderabad, their wives, children and grandchildren. Wliite, green and red - diamonds and pearls, emeralds, rubies and spinels set in gold and silver predominate.

Although the jewels of the Nizams were once a part of the treasury of the ‘richest man in the world’, they are shrouded in mystery and hardly any archival records are extant on individual items. No information is available on who made them, when and where they were made and, least of all, who they were made for. The trust deeds merely record the names of the jewels in Persian and Hindustani in the form of an inventory. These names have been retained to serve as a link. However, un-translated material in Persian and Urdu in the Hyderabad State Archives may provide fresh information to future researchers.

The jewels of India’s emperors and maharajas have, throughout history, been virtually unknown outside the coterie of the court and the inner circle of their trusted family. While the crown jewels of European and Russian royalty have been documented, chronicled and studied by gemmologists and art historians, the jewels of India’s princes have remained locked away in the treasury of their palaces, worn only on state occasions and seen only by privileged visitors.

The resplendent Hyderabad chariot, drawn by elephants, leads the parade of Indian princes at the 1911 Delhi Durbar.

10 Jewels of the Nizams

Until recently, research in the area of Indian jewellery has focused primarily on the Mughal period.

Western scholars divided the subject into Mughal - which included those areas in which the Mughal heritage endured after the collapse of the empire - and non-Mughal, which encompassed everything else (irrespective of period, region and technique of manufacture). However, in recent years scholars have established that a vibrant and rich jewellery tradition prevailed outside the ateliers of the Mughal court and consequently interests and perceptions have changed.

The Nizam’s collection of jewellery includes pieces that represent the most outstanding specimens of Deccani,

Rajasthani and Lucknavi workmanship.

Efforts have also been made to depart from the temptation, or ignorance, of attributing all Mughal-style jewellery to the ateliers of Rajasthan. This study aims at better comprehending the subtleties in the craftsmanship of different regions and the manner in which various jewellery traditions broke free of the stereotypes of Rajasthan.

By setting up trusts to provide for every conceivable exigency, Mir Osman Ali Klian reiterated an intrinsically Indian way of doing things. If the treasury was historically a financial bulwark to the empire, the trusts were intended to serve as a fortification against the withering fortunes of the Asaf Jah dynasty. In the aftermath of Independence and the integration of about 600 princely states into the Indian Union, royal jewels did indeed serve their owners as a hidden source of wealth. Hence few royal Indian jewels have survived intact and fewer have an established provenance. Stories abound of the visits of jewellers and gem dealers to India immediately after Independence - on an acquiring spree. Many, including Cartier and Harry Winston, had in earlier times been privileged to make jewels for the maharajas and nawabs, re-cycling stones from old jewels - so they had a fair idea of the kind of priceless jewels that were in the possession of the royals. The first to fall prey to the new economic order were jewels set with large and important gems - whose intrinsic value lay in the gems themselves and not so much in the ornament of which they formed a part. Other jewels - gold-set and enamelled items - were put away for a rainy day. In recent years, these rainy days have been a frequent occurrence, judging by the number of superb quality Indian jewels that have made their appearance on the international market.

In this context, these remaining Asaf Jah jewels are an enduring testimony to the legacy of the Nizams, the creative genius of designers, the technical skills of the craftsmen and the prosperity of the Deccan. They give credence to legends and apocryphal tales of a fabulously wealthy dynasty that ruled for seven generations. The significance of the jewels of the Nizams far transcends their history and their current monetary worth. They are truly a royal bequest!

Mir Osman Ali Khan, Nizam VII, photographed in his coronation robes immediately after his accession in 1911,

Introduction 11

THE ASAF lAHS

hrough the ages, the great Deccan plateau of peninsular India has witnessed the rise and fall of powerful dynasties. For almost two and a quarter centuries - from 1724 to 1948 - the history of the Deccan and the princely state of Flyderabad is the history of the Asaf Jahi dynasty.

Mir Qamaruddin, a general of Turkish descent, was the founder of the Asaf Jahi dynasty. He was a favourite of the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, under whom he fought many campaigns and who gave him the title Chin Qilich Khan or ‘boy-swordsman’. Courage and military prowess led to his meteoric rise in the court. In 1707, at the time of AurangzebA death, he was the viceroy (subedar) of Bijapur. In 1712, when Farrukh Siyar ascended the Mughal throne, he was awarded the title Nizam- ul-Mulk Fateh Jung or just Nizam for short and was appointed viceroy of the Deccan, the richest province in the Mughal empire. In 1724, he received the title Asafjah (the highest title bestowed on a subject of the Mughal emperor - Asaf was the wise Prime Minister of the Biblical King Solomon), by which the dynasty came to be known. He held the two powerful offices of the Prime Minister of

the Mughal empire and the viceroy of the Deccan simultaneously. Far away from the seat of power in Delhi, Nizam-ul-Mulk controlled the ascendancy of the Marathas, the French, the Portuguese and the English.

The Nizam’s chief opposition in the Deccan came from the Marathas, who imposed levies and collected land revenues from the area, depriving the Nizam of what he considered his rightful income. Rivalry with the Marathas extended to the north as well, and in an engagement between the two, the Nizam suffered a reverse. This led to the treaty of 1738, under which the Nizam ceded Malwa and the region between the rivers Narmada and Tapti to the Marathas. The historian James Grant Duff is of the view that the Nizam consolidated his position in the Deccan at the cost of the northern territories.'

In the Carnatic, the situation was more complicated. Here, in addition to the Marathas, the Nizam had to contend with the Nawab of Arcot, the ruler of Trichinopoly and the two fledgling European powers, the Esench and the English. It was only in 1742, when he proceeded to the Carnatic with a large army and defeated the Marathas, that he could establish his sway completely over the area. The first Nizam’s rule extended over the entire plateau south of the river Tapti, with the exception of a narrow strip of land along the west coast, which the Marathas dominated. It extended down to Trichinopoly and Madurai, encompassing the legendary Golconda diamond mines and stretching along the east coast. The revenue from suCh a vast territory was colossal.

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The Asafiya flag bearing the inscription 'A! Azmat Li Hah' (All greatness to God).

14 Jewels of the Nizams

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K.VNI»Y

Mir Qamaruddin was known for his courage and wisdom and his life is the stuff of legends. It is said that once during a hunt, he lost his way in a jungle. Hungry, thirsty, and woebegone, Qamaruddin chanced upon the cottage of a hermit. All that the sage could offer him was loaves of round dry baked bread {kulcha) and plain water. The exhausted noble appeased his hunger fully and, despite his host’s insistence, he could eat no more than seven kulcfias. The hermit then said, “My son, you have eaten seven kulchas. Your family will rule for seven generations. God bless you.”

This encounter, people say, is the reason why the first Nizam had a representation of the kulcha on the flag of his dynasty. The Nizam himself contradicted this interpretation. He explained that the symbol on the flag did not signify the kulcha, but the moon, because “my name Qamaruddin means the moon of my faith.”^ But so strong was the legend that as late as 1899, the sixth Nizam approved a modified design of the flag, confirming that the

circular emblem stood for the kulcha.- Qamaruddin lived through the rule of eight Mughal emperors and actively served four of them.

Though he was their viceroy, the Nizam became more powerful than the emperor in Delhi.

But, contrary to popular belief, the Nizam never declared independence.

Rather, Qamaruddin acknowledged Mughal overlordship even when he defeated and killed the emperor’s appointee as governor of the Deccan. In the Nizam’s testament, recorded just before his death, he urged his son and successor always to be loyal to the Mughal emperor."^

Wlien Qamaruddin died in 1748, after a long and distinguished career, he was succeeded by his son Nasir Jung, whom he had nominated earlier. Despite this, internecine warfare soon flared up and Nasir Jung was killed in battle in 1750. His sister’s son Muzaffar Jung became the next Nizam, but he in Uxrn was killed after a rule of barely six weeks. In the battles for

r 1 1‘r

ASAF JAHI GENEALOGY

Mir Qamaruddin Nizam-ul-Mulk Fateh Jung

Mir Akbar Ali Khan Sikandar Jah

Asaf Jah I (r. 1724-1748)

Asaf Jah 1 1 1 (r. 1803-1829)

Asaf Jah 1 1 (r. 1762-1803)

Asaf Jah IV (r. 1829-1857)

Mir Nizam Ali Khan

Mir Farkhonda Ali Khan Nasir-ud-Daula

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MirTahniath Ali Khan Mir Osman AN Khan

Afzal-ud-Daula

Asaf Jah V (r. 1857-1869)

Asaf Jah VI (r. 1869-1911)

Mir Mahboob Ali Khan

Asaf Jah VI I (r. 1911-1948)

succession the British and French supported rival contenders. In 1751, Salabat Jung became the Nizam, with the help of the French. But the British encouraged his brother, Nizam Ali KJian, to rise against him. This opposition forced Salabat Jung to enter into a treaty with the British in 1759, and in return for their protection he transferred vast east coast territories to them from the French. By 1761, French influence was steadily on the wane. During this tumultuous period, one-third of the area held by the first Nizam was lost to the British.

The three Nizams who succeeded Qamaruddin in the 14 years that followed his death were not granted the title of Asaf Jah by the Mughal emperor. So, in a strange fulfilment of the hermit’s prophecy, only seven Asaf Jahs are officially counted, though actually ten Nizams ruled the Deccan. In 1763, the second Asaf Jah, Nizam Ali Klian, shifted the capital from Aurangabad to Flyderabad.

Rivalry with the Marathas continued over the decades. In 1795, Nizam Ali Khan was defeated in battle against his old foes and had to cede Daulatabad, Ahmednagar and Sholapur to the Marathas. In addition he had to pay an indemnity of Rs 30,000,000. The beleaguered Nizam Ali Khan entered into the Treaty of Subsidiary Alliance with the British in 1798. This eliminated the French influence altogether and made the Nizam’s subservience to the British complete. In the historic war against Tipu Sultan of Mysore, the Nizam sided with the British. W4ien Tipu was defeated and killed in 1799, the Nizam gained the districts of Cudappah and Khammam as his share of the booty.

The British and the Nizam

Since 1779, the British had stationed a Resident in Hyderabad. In the beginning his role was ambassadorial, but as British influence increased, the Resident became more powerful, overseeing the Nizam’s actions and the governance of the state. In accordance with the expanding power of the British representative, Captain James Kirkpatrick (Resident from 1798 to 1805) decided to build an official residence for himself. He sounded out the Prime Minister, who secured Nizam Ali Khan’s approval of the proposal in principle. WTien the plan was presented to the Nizam, he took one look at it and threw it away in horror. Crestfallen, Kirkpatrick asked the Prime Minister why he had been

summarily rejected. The latter just laughed: “Resident Bahadur,” he replied, “you made the plan on the paper so big that it seemed equal to the size of His Highness’s dominions. How could he agree to part with that?”®

The next time Kirkpatrick submitted the same proposal on a piece of paper the size of a visiting card. The Nizam readily agreed to the plan, and Kirkpatrick proceeded to build the Residency. The structure was so imposing that, in 1817, the Governor General’s agent Sir John Malcolm described it as ‘a palace’. Tater, he wrote, “It is only surpassed in splendour ... by the Government House in Calcutta. That in The impressive British Residency at Hyderabad, built by James Kirkpatrick, Madras cannot be compared tO it.”®

18 Jewels of the Nizams

From the beginning of the 19* century, the role of the Resident increased steadily and he assumed greater powers over affairs in the state. Successive Nizams were compelled to accept their diminished importance because the East India Company provided them protection against their detractors, for which the Nizams had to pay vast sums of money. Frustrated in his attempt to rule effectively, the third Nizam Sikandar Jah and his successor Nasir-ud-Daula (r. 1829-57) withdrew from the affairs of the state and left virtually everything to the Resident. In 1843, the Company even proposed the appointment of the Resident as the Prime Minister (diiuan) of the state, to ensure better governance and to secure the repayment of the Nizam’s debts to the British. Nasir-ud-Daula refused to agree to the proposal. However, just three years later he had no choice but to accept the Resident’s nominee as diwan.

Financial Problems

The genesis of Hyderabad’s financial problems clearly dates to the establishment in 1812 of the ‘Hyderabad Contingent’, a large British-Indian army that was permanently stationed to defend the Nizam’s territories. The Contingent was set up in Secunderabad, generally known as the ‘twin city'’ of Hyderabad. It was the responsibility' of tbe Nizam to support this army and that entailed considerable expense. In times of peace this colossal expenditure was simply not justified. Sikandar Jah took enormous loans at high rates of interest from the mercantile firm William Palmer & Co to enable payment to tbe British for the maintenance of the troops. Considering these financial dealings detrimental to the prosperity of the Nizam’s government and to British interests in the region, the East India Company intervened. William Palmer & Co eventually collapsed and the state’s finances continued in a deplorable condition.

In spite of the Nizam drawing upon all available resources, including his personal wealth, taking huge loans and sacrificing territory to pay for the upkeep of the troops, Hyderabad was perpetually in debt to tbe British. In 1853, Nizam Nasir-ud-Daula was forced to assign Berar, Raichur, and Bhir permanently to the British. In return they agreed to write off the Nizam’s dues and to meet the expenses of the Contingent out of the revenues of their newly-acquired areas.

The Asaf Jahi fortunes saw some improvement in the closing years of Nasir-tid-Datila’s reign. This can be attributed to the appointment of Salar Jung I, Nawab Mir Ttirab Ali Khan, as diiuan. A man of vision and an astute administrator, he transformed a medieval oligarchy into a modern state. One of his decisions altered the course of Indian history - he sided with the British during the 1857 nationalist revolt. A week later, Nasir-ud-Daula died, unaware of the ferment that had broken out in the north. The revolt had spread and the Governor of Bombay, in a nervous telegram to the Governor General,

^ View of the bazaar in the vicinity of the Charminar

had said: “If the Nizam goes, all goes.”' and Mecca Ma^id, Hyderabad, late 19th century.

1 9

The Asaf J a h s

Tliere was considerable resentment against the British in Hyderabad and it was expressed in the form of public protests against Salar Jung for aiding the British during the revolt. The diwan’s action, though strongly disapproved of by the people, proved to be beneficial to the state. On the collapse of the nationalist revolt, the British out of gratitude made generous presents to the Nizam, wrote off arrears of Rs 5,000,000, and returned Raichur, Doab and Naldurg to the state.

It was thus a relatively stable Hyderabad when Afzal-ud-Daula assumed power as Nizam in 1857, after the death of his father. It was during his rule that Salar Jung carried out his most constructive reforms. The diwan introduced changes in every sphere of government, wiping out the financial deficit and ensuring a surplus budget by effecting economies and improving administration. He reformed the revenue system and made the judiciary independent. He connected Hyderabad with the Bombay-Madras railway line in 1874. The post and telegraph were also introduced into the state during Salar Jung’s tenure. In all, Salar Jung I dominated the affairs of Hyderabad state for three decades until his death in 1883. He served three successive Nizams, including a spell of regency for the infant Nizam VI. It was his grandson, Salar Jung III, also diwan for a short period, who assembled an outstanding collection of art that is housed in a museum in Hyderabad named after him.

The Sixth Nizam

Mahboob Ali Khan was just two-and-a-half years old when his father Afzal-ud-Daula died in 1869. There was a rush of aspirants to the throne, including the late Nizam’s brother, who had the backing of the British. In view of the conflicting claims, nobles of the Hyderabad court decided to install

the child as the next Nizam immediately. The toddler was led by the hand to the royal seat (gaddi) and the nobles paid obeisance to their new ruler. The death of the fifth Nizam and the accession of the sixth was then publicly announced, and the Resident was informed of the fait accompli.

The British representative was outraged that the Viceroy’s permission had not been obtained and that he too had not been informed about the accession of the new Nizam. He was told that no permission was ever taken earlier, and none was considered necessary. British displeasure at this turn of events took an unusual form. Until then, the Resident and his officials attended the Nizam’s durbar, or public audience, bareheaded and barefooted, and sat on the floor along with the Indian nobles as a sign of respect to the ruler. But now the Resident announced that he would attend the durbar Wiihoni headgear, but wearing shoes; also that he and his entourage would sit on chairs and not on the floor. The Nizam’s court had to concede this condition. However, . , , , u ^ , it would have been unseemly if the Indians sat on the ground

Mahboob Ah Khan, aged two-and-a-half years, attired in royal ' °

regalia on the occasion of his coronation, 1869, while the British were seated on chairs. So an ingenious

2 0

Jewels of the Nizams

arrangement was worked out. WTiile chairs were placed on one side, the level of the other side was raised with low wooden platforms, on which white sheets were spread. The accession of the child Nizam thus marked a shift in the old court etiquette, subtly underlining the elevated status of the British with respect to the Indians.^

Mahboob Ali Khan was formally installed as Nizam when he attained majority in 1884, an occasion that marked the beginning of a colourful but financially disastrous reign.

The sixth Nizam believed that money was there to be spent and his unconstrained excesses were a source of great anxiety to the British Resident, who feared he might bankrupt the state. When the Viceroy Lord Ripon visited Hyderabad for

Mahboob Ali Khan’s investiture, he cautioned the young ruler: “Look to your finances. Disordered finances are the ruin of states. It is so everywhere, it is very especially so in India. Carelessness and extravagance in financial matters means - first, heavy taxation; then, gradual impoverishment and ruin of the people; subsequently, loans with increasing interest; and finally, bankruptcy.”-' But his predilection for financial mismanagement could hardly be checked.

The sixth Nizam’s lavish hospitality and elaborate hunts were legendary, and Hyderabad soon became a compelling destination for visiting European royalty and aristocracy - the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Connaught (younger son of Queen Victoria), Grand Duke Alexander of Russia and Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria were some of Mahboob Ali Klian’s illustrious guests. He was the first Nizam who conversed in English and wore Western clothes. It is said that he never wore the same suit twice, and one entire wing in his palace, Purani Haveli, was occupied by the largest wardrobe in the world, full of suits, shoes, hats and other accessories. It was accommodated in a hall almost 40 metres in length, with cupboards on both sides extending double height to the ceiling.

Mahboob Ali Khan poses with his kill,

1895. His fondness for tiger hunts probably inspired the design for the belt buckle, Baglus Almas Sher (NJ 95.116).

Royal party {left) inspecting the Nizam's jewels on the visit of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught to Hyderabad, January 23-26, 1889. The enormous wooden wardrobe {right) of the sixth Nizam, Mahboob Ali Khan, occupies an entire wing in the Purani Haveli palace.

The Asaf Jahs 21

Mahboob Ali Kban was a popular ruler, despite bis eccentricities and extravagance. He would often venture out incognito into tbe city at nigbt to see bow tbe common people lived and to learn wbat they thought of him. His humanity was revealed in the great flood of 1908, the worst in Hyderabad’s history, which claimed more than 15,000 lives. Mahboob’s response to the calamity was to throw open the gates of his palace to the refugees. The Nizam was told that the flood was caused by the anger of the Hindu goddess Bhavani who had to be appeased. Mahboob carried a silver plate with five earthen lamps on it, and paid homage before the image of the deity, an exceptional gesture on the part of the Muslim ruler. People believed that the floods started receding after the performance of this ritual.

There was a marked difference between Mahboob’s official and his personal positions. To the British, the Nizam of Hyderabad was the ‘premier prince’ of the Indian empire. But despite his many honorifics and titles, to his subjects he was simply ‘Mahboob Pasha, the beloved king’! For them he was a holy spirit, the invocation of whose name, ‘Ya Mahboob’, was sufficient to ward off the effect of snake-bite. Even today, an offering of fresh flowers can occasionally he seen on his simple grave inside the Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad, placed there by a grateful person cured of snake-bite by the mere utterance of his name. He was a benign and generous ruler, who wrote romantic verses in Persian and Urdu. On August 26, 1911, he sought the haven of Falaknuma, his palace ‘pointing to the sky’, where he died on August 29, at the young age of 45 .

Nizam VII

Mahboob Ali Khan’s son, Mir Osman Ali Khan, succeeded him as the seventh Asaf Jah in 1911. Unlike the progeny of other Indian princes, Osman Ali Khan did not have a public school education; he received instruction from British and Indian tutors within the confines of the palace. According to the contemporary historian V K Bawa, “because of the lack of such an experience, he was unable to see himself except as the centre of the universe, which he regarded as revolving around him. The traditions of his family, transmitted from generation to generation, had inculcated in him a sense of his own importance which never left him.””

Osman Ali Klian was reputed to be the richest man in the world, but he really had no idea of the extent of his wealth. This was not surprising for a man whose personal estate yielded Rs 25,000,000 a year. Much of his wealth was gained by nazar- gifts of gold or jewels offered to the ruler as expressions of submission and loyalty - by those who were granted the privilege of an audience. Every ‘gazetted’ officer of the state presented him with nazar twice a year - on the festival of Id and on his birthday. The minimum amount of nazar was one gold coin and four silver.

Candid-camera shot of Mahboob Ali Khan in 1905, as he relaxes and attends to correspondence in a camp devoid of all royal paraphernalia.

2 2 Jewels of t li e Nizams

Osman Ali Klian observed the custom of wazar with zeal and vigour and amassed vast quantities of wealth. He would send small gifts, usually a mango or some other delicacy, to some randomly chosen subject who was expected to express his gratitude by offering nazar. At banquets, he would send across a glass of champagne to some noble, and such public demonstrations of favour were received with gratification and reciprocated with gifts of gold. When the Nizam honoured noblemen by visiting their homes or attending any function, gratitude took the form of gold sovereigns.

The man who possessed so much money lived an extremely frugal life. He wore the same cap for years, even when the ring of sweat and oil on its rim cried out for replacement. His clothes showed no signs of having been ironed. Numerous visitors to his residence have testified to his cluttered, undusted drawing room. His jewels lay bundled up in all sorts of places, from locked cellars to the floor underneath his bedstead; yet it is said he knew exactly where his various gems were kept.

Though parsimonious in his lifestyle, Mir Osman Ali Khan made some important contributions to the state. Parts of the old city destroyed by the floods of 1908 were re-built; the river Musi was tamed; a scheme for providing protected water was implemented; and a wide bazaar, ‘Patthar Gatti,’ was laid up to the Charminar, Hyderabad’s best-known monument. The seventh Nizam did not build any palaces. Instead, he constructed many of the stately buildings like tbe Osmania University, the Osmania Hospital, the High Court and the State Central Library that rise to embellish the city’s skyline. Of these, the Osmania University is an outstanding example of the fusion of Hindu and Islamic styles of architecture.

The seventh Nizam had a longer string of honorifics and titles than his father - Ala Hazrat Lieutenant General His Exalted Highness Asaf Jah Muzafar-ul-Mulk wa-al-Mamalik, Nizam-ul-Mulk, Nizam-tid-Daula, Nawab Sir Mir Osman Ali Khan Bahadur, Fateh Jung, Rustam-e-Dauran, Arastu-e- Zaman, Sipah Salar, Knight Grand Cross of the British Empire, Knight Grand Cross of Bath and Faithful Ally of the British Government. He was the foremost prince of the British Raj who, along with only four other rulers - the Maharaja Gaekwad of Baroda, the Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior, the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir and the Maharaja of Mysore - was accorded the highest salute of 21 guns. The exclusive title of ‘His Exalted Highness’ was conferred upon him in 1918 for services rendered to the British by way of troops and money during the First World War.

Falaknuma, Mahboob's magnificent palace which he received as a gift, situated on a hill-top on the outskirts of Hyderabad.

The Asaf Jalis 23

Political Problems

Before the close of the 19*'’ century and with the establishment of the Indian National Congress in 1885, the first stirrings toward independence began to be felt in the country. In due course, the movement spread to the princely states including Hyderabad. By 1920, the demand for responsible government began to be raised increasingly.

One political development around this time was the establishment of the Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul- Mussalmeen (the Council for the Union of Muslims) in 1927. The Ittehad, as it was popularly known, started as a cultural-religious organization, but soon acquired the character of the Muslim League in British India. Its president, Bahadur Yar Jung, demanded that Hyderabad should be declared an Islamic State. Kasim Razvi, who became the president in 1946, set up a para-military wing of the party called the Razakars (volunteers) which demanded Islamic statehood for Hyderabad.

Countering the Razakar agitation was the Indian National Congress which was banned before it could be established in 1938. So, its leaders were forced to go underground within the state. The Communist Party was established in 1939. In 1941 a strike took place in the Nizam’s Railways followed by one in the textile mills. Popular protests were organised in the rural areas, urging the farmers to rebel against the tyranny of the landlords. If the 1930s were a troubled decade for the Nizam of Hyderabad, the next decade proved even worse.

The young bejewelled princes Azam Jah and Muazzam Jah, sons of Mir Osman Ali Khan, 1911. Prince Azam Jah's dastar is adorned with the crescent and starjewel - Brooch Almas Chantara Numa Kanval (NJ 95.5),

Police Action

On June 11, 1947, two months before India attained independence, Nizam Mir Osman Ali Klian declared his intention to make Hyderabad an independent state, a move that was welcomed by the Ittehad but deplored by the Congress and other parties. After the independence of India in August 1947 there were protracted negotiations between the Government of India and the Nizam, resulting in signing of the Standstill Agreement between the two on November 29, 1947. It ensured the status quo ante. However, the agreement did not work out, mainly because of violations of the conditions by the Nizam.

As a result of the breakdown of relations between the two, the Government of India launched Police Action against Hyderabad State on September 13, 1948, in a military exercise code-named ‘Operation Polo’. After just four days, the Nizam’s army surrendered unconditionally to the Indian troops. On September 18 the state was incorporated into the Union of India. Within a year, the Military Governor had abolished all the jagirs (land-holdings from which the owner collected revenue), which accounted for one-third of the territory of the state. The land-owners (Jagirdars) were given compensation in terms of annuities, which were spread over

2 4

Jewels of the Nizams

a period of five to ten years. The Nizam became the constitutional head of Hyderabad with the designation of Raj Pramukh after promulgation of the Constitution of India in 1950.

In 1956, the states in India were reorganized on a linguistic basis. Hyderabad was trifurcated. Its Telugu- speaking districts merged into the new state of Andhra Pradesh, with Hyderabad city as its capital. Osman Ali Khan asked to be relieved as constitutional head of the state. He retreated into his palace, King Kothi, though the old faithful still paid him court.

The Nizam had an extensive household, that included numerous begums, dependants and servants with their families. His first two sons enjoyed official status. But both of them had flamboyant and extravagant lifestyles, which resulted in their incurring huge debts, which the Nizam had to discharge on pain of blackmail. He learnt that on his illness his elder son, the Prince of Berar, had written to the Government of India to recognise him as the next Nizam, since his father was on his death

Azam Jah, the Prince of Berar, with his wife Princess Durreshahwar and eldest son, Barkat Ali Khan, Mukarram Jah, 1934.

bed. In sheer disgust, Osman wrote to the government asking that he be superseded and in his place, his grandson, Barkat Ali Klian, Prince Mukarram Jah, be recognized as Nizam VIII. On the Nizam’s death in 1967, the young prince was duly installed in a ceremony attended by the superseded father. However, his tenure was short-lived. Two years later, all titles of the Indian princes were withdrawn and in 1971 even their privy purses were abolished.

Osman Ali Khan’s death marked the end of a notable chapter in the history of Hyderabad. The Asaf Jahs ruled for 224 years. They had inherited a state strongly marked by its composite culture. That was the legacy of the founder of Hyderabad, the liberal poet-king Mohammed Quli Qutb Shah who had procliamed that the basis of all faiths is love. Sarojini Naidu, Hyderabad’s most distinguished daughter, renowned as ‘the nightingale of India’, had said: “Hyderabad has away of setting the seal of her special tradition on all her sons and daughters, investing them, irrespective of their communities and beliefs, with a subtle kinship whose claims have seldom been denied’’.’^ More than half a century after these words were uttered, they still ring true.

The A s a f J a h s 25

THE SALE

C3n January 12, 1995 a jewellery sale that had spanned 23 years and had gripped the attention of people all over the world was finally concluded. In 1972, when the Government of India was offered an opportunity to acquire the Nizam of Hyderabad’s jewellery collection, it embarked upon one of the most protracted, complicated and legally-tangled transactions in modern Indian history. In order to understand the complex series of developments, it is necessary to retrace the events leading up to the sale of the jewels.

On September 18, 1948, Hyderabad was incorporated into the Union of India and the integration of the princely territories into the nation was complete. Broad principles on

the bifurcation of properties and assets between former rulers and the newly constituted states were evolved. The princes received tax-free privy purses^ and certain private properties, including palaces, were conceded. “With regard to investments and cash balances, only those to which the State could lay no claim were to be recognized as the private property of the ruler.” Though no claim was made on personal jewellery, “such ancestral jewellery as was ‘heirloom’ was to be preserved for the ruling family; and valuable regalia would remain in the custody of the ruler for use on ceremonial occasions.”^ Each maharaja was required to submit a detailed inventory of land, securities and cash held as private property and a list of personal and state jewellery. The Government of India guaranteed the erstwhile rulers and members of their immediate family all the dignities and personal privileges that they had hitherto been enjoying. Succession to the title was also ensured, but they had to forego all administrative control over their former subjects and territory.

Over the next two decades, changes were carried through, gradually but resolutely. The Government of India imposed income, wealth and inheritance taxes on the former maharajas. In 1969 their titles were abolished, since in a modern democracy there was no place for a raja, maharaja, Nizam or nawab. In 1971, the privy purses too were discontinued.

The princes had barely recovered from the loss of their kingdoms and the huge income accruing from the revenues of the state, when they were compelled to come to terms with the burden of maintaining themselves and their families in the lifestyle to which they were accustomed.

Mir Qamaruddin, founder of the Asaf Jah dynasty, was a warrior of great courage.

28 Jewels of the Nizams

To assume sole financial responsibility for the upkeep of their enormous palaces and flocks of dependent servants and retainers was a task for which they were neither trained nor financially competent. It became imperative for the maharajas to organize their personal affairs and secure their finances. Accustomed to a lavish and, in many cases, profligate way of life, and unused to earning a living, few could come to terms with their changed circumstances. Without exception they all turned to their treasuries and the works of art in their palaces to fund their leisure and to support the royal household.

Jewels were the first to be liquidated - their portability coming in handy during a time of pressing need. Shrewd and percipient, none of the rulers had included valuable ‘heirloom’ jewels in the lists that they had submitted to the government. Few jewels were declared for wealth tax and even fewer were categorized as state regalia - that is, property acquired with funds from the state exchequer and which was to be held in trust for the nation. India became a hunting ground for foreign gem dealers who had earlier come as sellers. Renowned jewellery firms like Cartier, Bulgari and Van Cleef & Ai'pels, and notable gem dealers such as Harry Winston and Jack and Hubert Rosenthal swept through India, buying gems and jewels from rulers eager to encash idle wealth - of no use any more as emblems of pomp and power. To camouflage their provenance, countless ornaments were broken up and sold privately; gems were re-cut, wiping out their identity and in the process their entire early history.

Negotiations between the Nizam and the Indian government on issues related to the merger of Hyderabad continued up to January 1950, when a formal agreement was signed on the rights, privileges and dignities, the dynastic succession and the privy purse of His Highness the Nizam of Hyderabad.^

One of the first steps initiated by the Government of India after the annexation of Hyderabad was to take over the Nizam’s sarf-e-khas (lands inherited in lineal descent, whose income was utilised to maintain the ‘dignity of the dynasty’). The revenue from these lands yielded the Nizam a surplus of Rs 124 lakh (Rs 12,400,000) per annum. For this loss, he received, in addition to his privy purse of Rs 50 lakh (Rs 5,000,000), a compensatory annual allowance of Rs 50 lakh for his lifetime.

The situation in the Nizam’s court was dire. A sudden and immediate acculturation to the drastically changed circumstances had to be effected. Osman Ali Khan had four official wives, and in 1955 his household was enormous. He had luany begums, a vast number of children, innumerable khanazads (adopted children), daughters-in-law, countless grandchildren and more than 1,000 servants and retainers.

When it became apparent that things would never be the same again, a prudent and perspicacious Osman Ali Klian commenced the complex task of safeguarding the Asaf Jah wealth and the uncertain future of his heirs and

Sarpech Kalan Zamarrud Wa Kanval Almas Ba Awaiza-i- Zamarrud NJ 95.60

Kanthi Goshwara-i-Marvareed Wa Almas NJ 95,2

Baglus Zamarrud Wa Kanval Almas Wa Yakhoot NJ 95,49

Sumran Zamarrud NJ 95.56/1-2

The Sale 29

dependents. He liquidated a portion of his enormous fortune and allocated it to a series of trusts, which would achieve this object. Between 1949 and 1964, Osman Ali Khan created a total of 54 trusts,^ each endowed with a large corpus of cash and jewels to cater to every conceivable need of his extended family and his subjects.

The most unique trust was ‘H.E.H. The Nizam’s Jewellery Trust’^ incorporated on March 29, 1951 - the only one of its kind to he established by an Indian ruler. To this trust, Osman Ali Klian, “out of the natural love and affection which he bears towards his relatives”, assigned 107 items - which were his personal jewels including state regalia, according to the list he had submitted to the Government of India in 1949. After allocating gifts to his grandsons and granddaughters, he also created ‘H.E.H. The Nizam’s Supplemental Jewellery Trust’ which was incorporated on Eebruary 28, 1952.*’ The present collection comprises a total of 173 items as listed in the Government of India inventory of the jewels, though the actual number of ornaments is far higher.'

Osman Ali Klian stipulated that the jewels assigned to H.E.H. The Nizam’s Jewellery Trust could be sold only after his death and the death of his son Azam Jah, Prince of Berar (whom he had passed over in the succession). The trust also laid down very specific instructions on what was to be done with the jewels. Out of the 107 items listed in the Eirst Schedule, a gem-encrusted sword, a dagger and a pearl rosary were to be transferred to the Sacred Relics Trust after Osman Ali Klian ’s death; two gem-set swords were to be given as wedding gifts to Mukarram Jah and Mnfakkam Jah, the tw'O eldest grandsons of Osman Ali Khan. Twenty-tw'O items were set aside as state regalia in the Eourth Schedule, to be used by the successor-in-title as long as he remained the Nizam of Hyderabad for “any special ceremonial or festive occasion.” The Nizam also stipulated that the 49 articles listed in the Eifth Schedule “shall as far as possible not be sold. ..except in case of extreme or grave emergency arising out of serious financial calamity befalling the family of the Settlor;” the remaining jewellery could be sold, exchanged, or altered as deemed necessary by the trustees.

The entire collection of jewels assigned to 'H.E.H, The Nizam's Jewellery Trust', laid out on a table in King Kothi and photographed immediately after the formation of the trust in 1951 . Jewels and swords that were not acquired by the government are clearly visible.

•'5 0 Jewels of the Nizams

Osman Ali Klian directed that if the Asaf Jah dynasty were to come to an end and there should be no Nizam of Hyderabad existing, the trustees shall “hand over all the articles specified in the Fourth Schedule. ..to the person who shall have last held the title of the Nizam of Hyderabad.” Accordingly, after the abolition of titles and privy purses, Mnkarram Jah received the dynastic jewels of the Asaf Jah Nizams.^ The whereabouts of these ornaments, which included a seven-strand pearl necklace, diamond and emerald necklaces, armbands, buttons and rings and a magnificent turban ornament with briolette diamond drops (seen in photographs of Mahboob Ali Pasha and Osman Ali Khan - page 48), can only be speculated upon. These, together with the vast quantities of pearls, caskets of gems and the legendary Nizam diamond have vanished forever!

The Supplemental Jewellery Trust was structured in a similar manner. A total of 144 items were assigned to this trust. The principal beneficiaries were Osman Ali Klian’s second son. Prince Muazzam Jah Bahadur, his daughters Shahzadi Begum Pasha and Mehr-un-nissa Begum, and his third and fourth wives, Ekbal Begum and Gowhar Begum. The present collection acquired from both these trusts^ constitutes a minuscule fraction of the Hyderabad treasury of jewels and gemstones believed to have once been worth over $500,000,000.

In 1967, Osman Ali Klian died, and after the death of his eldest son Azam Jah in 1970, the trustees set in motion the task of dissolving the trusts and distributing the jewels and funds realized from their sale to the various beneficiaries. Accordingly, in July 1972 a memorandum was submitted on behalf of the jewellery trusts to the then Prime Minister, Mrs Indira Gandhi, requesting her to consider the purchase of jewellery belonging to the Nizam of Hyderabad by the Union of India (so that the jewellery could be retained in India) and the establishment of a special museum to house the collection.

The unprecedented offer to the Government of India comprised 89 items from H.E.H. The Nizam’s Jewellery Trust, 84 pieces from H.E.H. The Nizam’s Supplemental Jewellery Trust and 161 items from H.E.H. The Nizam’s jewellery for Eamily Trust. The proposal was carefully examined by the Ministry of Einance and in October 1973, the Ministry of Education and Social Welfare set up an expert committee with Nihar Ranjan Ray as Chairman, Karl Khandalavala, Anand Ividshna and Rajmal Surana as members and C Sivaramamurthi as the convener.

Sikandar Jah, Nizam III, after whom Hyderabad's twin-city of Secunderabad is named.

Nizam Ali Khan, Asaf Jah 1 1, established Hyderabad as the capital of the Deccan.

The Sale 31

Nasir-ud-Daula's rule was marked by loss of territory and Immense financial debt.

Their task was to assess the items of Jewellery which

could be acquired keeping in view the provisions of the

Antiquities and Art Treasures Act, 1972."’ All the items initially

offered were not presented for inspection by the trustees.

From among the group of 41 Jewels that were produced by

the trustees, the committee recommended the acquisition of

18 items - 13 were categorized as antiquities and five as

notable items. However, due to budgetary constraints, the

jewels could not be purchased.

In March 1975, the government authorized the

formation of a Negotiating Committee of Secretaries of

the principal government departments to determine a Just

and fair price and to negotiate the terms of the sale.

The trustees were granted permission to sell the remaining

23 pieces after clearance from the Central Board of Direct

Taxes. The government also felt that the “Ministry of Finance

should examine the acquisition of selected items of Jewellery

of great historical and cultural value and unique in character belonging to other former princes.”

In spite of protracted deliberations between the trustees and the government on the price and

payment of outstanding taxes, no consensus emerged.

In August 1977, a decision was taken by the Government of India to set up a Gem and

Jewellery Museum to house the collection and another expert committee was constituted to make

a fresh selection specifically for the museum. The committee" inspected 41 items in November

1977 and selected 34. When the recommendations of the committee and the amount determined

by the valuers was considered by the government in January 1978, it was felt that it would not be

possible to Justifiably allocate such a large sum of public

money to buy gems and jewellery; but, if the jewels were

donated for display in the proposed museum, the

government would be happy to accept. If donation was not

possible, the trustees could sell the Jewellery subject to the

provisions of the Antiquities and Art Treasures Act.

In February 1978, 89 items belonging to H.E.H.

The Nizam’s Jewellery Trust were produced before the

Director-General of the Archaeological Survey of India.

Twenty-three were declared as antiquities (which meant that

they could not be exported). The trustees now set in motion

the process for the sale of the remaining 66 Jewels in Bombay

by auction to tbe highest bidder. Jewellers and gem dealers

from around the world inspected the Jewels and placed their

^ w . , . bids. However, before matters could proceed any further,

Afzal-ud-Daula, Nizam V, who inherited a ^ ^

relatively stable Hyderabad. Princess Fatima Fauzia (daughter of Muazzam Jah, the second

3 2 Jewels o I' the Nizams

son ()1 Osman Ali Khan), one ol’ the beneheiaiies, hied a ease in the Hyderabad (lily (iivil (lourt lor removal ol the trustees and to restrain thetn Irom selling the jewellery.

riie case finally landed up in the High (iourt and alter due consideration, the matter was dismissed and permission was granted to one Peter Fernandez to purchase ‘)7 items for Rs 20.25 crores (Rs 202,500,000). But jewellers in India were reluctant to lose the o[)portunity of ac(|uiring a portion of these rare and beautiful j)ieces set with the finest collection of diamonds and emeralds - gems that were bound to realize astronomical figures in the international gem market. Royal jewels rarely came on the market, never lor [)ubhc sale and dclinitely not in such quantities. Shantivijay Sc Ho, a private jewellery linn, and Kesholal Dalpatbhai Zhaveri, another j^rospective buyer, filed a petition in the Su|)reme Hourt to restrain the sale.

In an order dated August 31, 1979, the Supreme Hourt disposed of all the cases and, to ensure o[)enness and objectivity, directed that tbe jewellery be sold by open auction to be conducted on September 20, 1979 in the premises ol the Su])reme Hourt. fo arrive at a correct valuation, the trustees invited internationally renowned auction houses - Sotheby’s aiul (Christie’s - and other noted gem dealers to assess the collection, d’heir estimate was lar in excess of the trustees’ expectations. Once again, |)rosj)ective buyers including refuesentatives of tbe (ireek shi|)|)ing magnate Stavros Niarchos and a Dubai merchant banker, Abdulwahab (iaiadari, assembled in tbe court. The two prospective buyers sought a guarantee from the government, that they woukl be permitted to export the items that they |)urchased. At this juncture, reacting to public opinion against the auction and exf)ort of the Nizam’s jewels, the Union of India hied an ajjplicalion seeking stay of the auction in order to enable it to take a decision on whether it would allow the export of any of the jewels.

I he Siqirenie (Court was inlbrmed in September 1979 that the government had decided that the jewels of the Nizam were “art treasures and in national interest they should not be allowed to be taken out of tbe country.’’ dlie Anticjuities Act was also amended to declare the remaining bb pieces of jewellery as ‘art treasures’'- to enable their forcible accjuisition.

In 1981, yet another committee was .set up by the government under the chairmanshi|) ol Pupul Jayakar. U|a)n recommendation of this committee, a notification for “compulsory acquisition” of select items was i.ssued. 9’he notification was challenged by Prince Mulakkam Jah (grandson of Osman Ali Khan and younger brother of Prince Mukarram jah), who sought [)ossession of the jewels, [permission to auction them to the highest bidder, exjport them il the successful bidder wished to do so and, above all, fjuestioned the validity of the amendment to the Anticjuities Act.

For five years thereafter, the matter remained in the courts. In August 1984, before the process of examination of all the items and the formal declaration oftho.se in the other trusts (besides the Nizam’s Jewellery Trust and the Su[pplemental Jewellery Trust) could be completed, the trustees obtained [permission of tbe Hyderabad (aty (avil (apurt Up aucti(pn .some (pf the items. A Uptal (pf b4 items was .sold

Sarpech Khurd Zamarrud 1/1/a Kanval Almas NJ 95.37

1

Baglus Kanval Almas NJ 95.20

Paizeb Yakhoot Wa Almas Wa Zamarrud NJ 95.96/1-2

T li S a H .3 ,3

to Popley Kewalram Ghanshyam Das & Co and Choksi N Kantilal & Co, Bombay. In response to repeated enquiries of the whereabouts of the jewels by the Aixhaeological Survey of India, these jewellers declared that they had disposed of all the items immediately - some intact and others dismantled and the gold and gems sold to registered dealers.

In June 1987 the Government of India set up a Negotiating Committee under the Chairmanship of Sharda Parshad (Information Adviser to the Prime Minister) and a panel of eminent historians and reputed jewellers. Jayant Chawlera, the government jeweller, was on this committee. In 1985, Chawlera had evaluated all the 89 items of H.E.H. The Nizam’s Jewellery Trust at Rs 351,485,000 and the 84 items of the Supplemental Jewellery Trust at Rs 38,137,602. At its meeting in February 1988, the committee decided to confine its attention only to the acquisition of jewellery held in H.E.H. The Nizam’s Jewellery Trust and H.E.H. The Nizam’s Supplemental Jewellery Trust, since these jewels were of “historic interest”. It was also decided that the jewels should be acquired through a process of negotiation with the trustees.

Accordingly, negotiations for 173 items (89 from the Nizam’s Jewellery Trust and 84 from the Supplemental Jewellery Trust) were initiated. In February 1989 - after extensive discussions between the trustees and the government - an application for compromise by both parties was submitted to tbe Supreme Court. The compromise envisaged an agreement for finalization of an award through arbitration and, by mutual consent. Justice A N Sen was chosen as the sole arbitrator.

The principal issue which fell for the determination of Justice Sen was the fixation of a just and fair price for the jewellery. Accordingly, the trustees and the government were directed to file their statement of valuation. In the meantime, an application was moved before Justice Sen by the Union of India (on the advice of L P Sihare, Director-General of the National Museum) seeking to limit the scope of arbitration proceedings to the items of jewellery that constituted the trusts’ property and not include those which were the state’s property. This application was based on the plea that some of the jewels in the two trusts, “did not belong to the Nizam and had vested in the State after the merger of Hyderabad” and therefore the Nizam had no right to include these items in any trust and, more importantly, could not claim any compensation for them. However, Justice Sen, based on the terms of the arbitration agreement, issued his opinion in favour of the trusts.

34 Jewels of the Nizams

After referring to all the oral and documentary evidence submitted by the two parties, Justice Sen made an award on July 27, 1991. The award stipulated that the Central Government would pay to the trusts a sum of Rs 2,253,733,959, which was fixed as a just and fair price for the 173 items of jewellery, within eight weeks from the date of the award. If the government opted to buy only select items, the trustees had to be intimated within six weeks of the award.

In this eventuality, they would be free to sell the remaining pieces and export items subject to prevailing laws.

The award and its implications were examined by the government in September 1991 and various options considered. These included acceptance of the award as is; rejection of the award and the raising of objections on points of law before the Supreme Court (principally the issue of personal property versus regalia, which constituted state property) seeking a lowering of the valuation; purchasing only select important items; acquiring all the items and after retaining a few of the most outstanding ones, disposing of the rest by auction or sale abroad and paying the trustees out of the sale proceeds; or allowing the trusts to sell locally or export under strict government supervision to earn foreign exchange and tax on the proceeds. The government filed a petition seeking review of the award and the value determined by Justice Sen.

It was only after extensive deliberations and consideration of all options, that the government finally approved of the purchase of all the jewels in July 1993. The amount was reduced to Rs 1,803,733,959 (the excess amount in the original award was due to a typographical error in the valuation!). The government also sought to make the payment in six equal annual instalments of Rs 30 crores (Rs 300,000,000) each, but urged that the jewels be handed over to the government

Mir Mahboob AN Khan, a charismatic and kind ruler, was greatly loved by his subjects.

Some of thejewels {left) that were allocated by Mir Osman AN Khan to his wives and daughters in the various schedules of the Supplemental Jewellery Trust, Prior to the formation of thejewellery trusts, Osman AN Khan divided the Asaf Jah heritage and set aside vast quantities of jewellery {right) for various members of his immediate family.

The Sale 35

The handsome young prince Mir Osman Ali Khan, c. 1900. Buttons for long coats were crafted from precious gems including emeralds and diamonds, Gundiyan Zamafrud Kalan Almas (NJ 95,18/1-7).

on payment of the first instalment. However, the trustees on behalf of the beneficiaries rejected the staggered payment schedule and refused to hand over the jewels until full payment had been made. They pleaded that if the government failed to purchase the collection, they should be permitted to sell the jewellery for the best possible price and even export them, subject to the laws.

After consideration of arguments presented by both parties, the Supreme Court rejected the stand of the trustees and upheld the award made by Justice Sen - especially the valuation of the jewels and the price to be paid by the government. In its decision dated October 20, 1994, the court instructed the government to convey to the trustees their intention of buying the whole or select items of the collection, ordered payment of interest from the date of the award and stipulated that the full and final amount had to be paid in a lump sum before December 31, 1994.

The government decided to purchase the entire collection and conveyed their decision to the trustees. The requisite funds now amounting to Rs 2,178,189,128 (inclusive of interest at the rate of six percent calculated from the date of the award in July 1991) had to be obtained and paid to the two trusts. However, since the money

would only be available in January 1995, further time was sought from the Supreme Court and extension was granted for making the payment by January 16, 1995.

The funds were made available on January 9, 1995 and two Reserve Bank of India drafts were drawn (one for Rs 2,064,990,154 to the Nizam’s Jewellery Trust and the other for Rs 113,198,974 to the Supplemental Jewellery Trust) . The countdown clock was now ticking rapidly and the long-drawn drama appeared to be reaching a climax. A team of government officials and lawyers landed in Bombay at 2.00 a.m. on January 10, 1995.

At 10.00 a.m. on that day, the government team along with Jayant Chawlera arrived at the premises of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, Flora Fountain, as mutually agreed with the trustees. A big surprise was in store for everybody. Officers of the income tax department from Hyderabad were awaiting their arrival at the bank. The government representatives were instructed not to hand over the payment to the trustees since prohibitory orders on the lockers (housing the jewels) had been imposed. These orders would not be lifted and the trustees would not be allowed to operate the lockers till full payment of their tax liabilities had been made. Am offer of payment by the trustees, immediately on realization of the Government of India drafts was rejected.

• ^

36 Jewels of the Nizams

Negotiations and efforts to break the stalemate continued throughout the day.

Telephone lines between Bombay and Delhi buzzed late into the night. Valuable time was passing and the deadline was fast approaching with no solution still in sight. If the payment was not received by the trustees before January 16, they would be free to sell the jewels in the open market. The matter was only resolved at 4.00 p.m. on January 11, after the trustees offered to pay Rs 15 crores (Rs 150,000,000) by demand draft and place Rs 15.3 crores (Rs 153,000,000) in a fixed deposit on which prohibitory orders could be imposed till their tax assessment was finalised (since the final amount payable was still a subject of dispute).

This offer was accepted, but it was clarified that the prohibitory orders would only be lifted after verification of the items and the government payment had been handed over to the trustees.

On January 12, 1995 the team assembled at the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank at 10.00 a.m. The drafts totalling Rs 2,178,189,128 on behalf of the people of India were given to the representatives of the trusts after receiving an undertaking that the 173 items would be handed over immediately after receiving the payment. It took more than one hour to lift the prohibitory orders, only after which the bank permitted the trustees to open the lockers. The verification process immediately commenced and continued without a break until after 6.00 p.m. Each item was removed, verified and its authenticity certified by Chawlera - the one person who had seen, handled and evaluated the jewels several times over a span of 15 years. Meanwhile security arrangements for the jewels were being reviewed, since the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank was not willing to store the jewels temporarily. The Reserve Bank of India willingly agreed to provide vaults for the storage of the trunks and even offered their van and guards for transportation of the jewels.

The jewellery was repacked into three trunks and loaded into the Reserve Bank of India van along with gunmen and government officials. The entire cavalcade left for the Reserve Bank of India at around 7.00 p.m. from the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, arriving less than 15 minutes later. After completion of all formalities, the trunks were sealed and locked into the vaults at 9.00 p.m. The marathon sale had been completed with four days to spare!

A triumphant team of exuberant officials returned to Delhi the following day - January 13, 1995. Chawlera went home - content in the knowledge that he had played such a pivotal role in the retention of this valuable heritage; the trustees returned to Hyderabad - so many beneficiaries were eagerly anticipating receipt of wealth they had waited so long for. The public exchequer was poorer by almost Rs 218 crores - but the people of India were richer by the acquisition of a large, invaluable and irreplaceable collection of historic jewels!

The Sale 37

THE JEWELS

ijukkar-l-^cikkaK Tydar'i'^akkcLK Tuukoi ko ^PKcl m.dK

You are the pride of the Deccan, the King of the Deccan; Am.ong the rulers of India, the only one that counts Is the King of the Deccan.

Tjiese words were written in the early 20* century by Mir Osman Ali Khan, the seventh and last Nizam of the Asaf Jah dynasty. But for many centuries even prior to the arrival of the Asaf Jahs, the Deccan was the pride of India. The rich resources of the region - spices, gold, iron ore, beryls, diamonds, sapphires and pearls - lured a steady stream of treasure-seekers from the Roman empire, Arabia, China, Portugal, Holland, France, England and other countries. The wealthy ports and gem bazaars of the Deccan were flourishing centres of mercantile activity and local rulers amassed untold wealth in their treasuries.

Accounts of these riches date as far back as the 14* century. The eastern and southern military campaigns of Malik Kafur, general of the Delhi Sultan Alauddin Khilji, to Warangal in 1310 and to Madurai in 1311, yielded magnificent treasures. Amir Khusrau, Khilji’s court poet, wrote; “If a description of the boxes of jewels were attempted, there is no breast in which it could be contained, nor any heart that could appreciate its value. There were five hundred mans of precious stones, and every piece was equal in size to the disc of the setting sun. The diamonds were of such a colour that the sun will have to stare hard for ages before the like of them is made in the factories of the rocks. The pearls glistened so brilliantly that the brow of the clouds will have to perspire for years before such pearls again reach the treasury of the sea. For generations the mines will have to drink blood in the stream of the sun before rubies such as these are produced. The emeralds were of water so fine, that if the blue sky broke itself into fragments, none of its fragments would equal them. Every diamond sparkled brightly; it seemed as if it was a drop fallen from the sun. As to the other stones, their lustre eludes description just as water escapes out of a vessel.”^

To the Mughal emperors, the wealthy Deccan was a temptation that they could not resist. Thus, for the beginning of the story of the jewels of the Nizams of Hyderabad - and that of the Asaf Jah treasury - one has to travel back in time to the closing decades of the 17* century to the court of the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb.

40 Jewels of the Nizams

The Mughal treasury was the most important constituent of the empire and had been accumulated over many generations through dauntless military conquests. Gemstones constituted wealth, and wealth in the form of loose gems could be freely carried and encashed on long military expeditions. Even Aurangzeb, the last of the great Mughals, famed for his zealous almost fanatical antipathy to ostentation, was not averse to augmenting the vast treasury of jewels and gemstones that he inherited from his father Shah Jahan. He undertook interminable military forays and extended the boundaries of the empire to encompass the Deccan in the search for greater wealth.

It was Aurangzeb’s desire to subjugate all of India and he led a tireless campaign of war towards this end. But the price of success was constant conflict and the incessant peril of rebels threatening to break away from his control. Provincial governors and commanders of the imperial army established themselves as semi¬ independent rulers, faithful servants of the emperor in name only. Aurangzeb’s death in 1707 was followed by a succession of weak and ineffectual heirs who were unable to safeguard their vast inheritance; recalcitrant subjects, ambitious governors and militant provincial rulers shook the empire. The ones who rose to greatest power and prominence were the Nawabs of Bengal and Oudh and the Asafjahs of Hyderabad - all imperial servants turned rulers.

But in the 224 years that they dominated the Deccan, the Nizams maintained allegiance to the Mughal emperor without openly declaring their independence. Throughout the gradual decline of the Mughal empire after Aurangzeb, the regional viceroys received edicts {firmans), robes of honour {khilat) and gifts of jewels from the Emperor. Items that were given and received as gifts included turban ornaments {sarpatti, sarpech, jigha, turra and kalgi), necklaces {kanthi, /iar and mala), armbands {bazuband, bhuj band a.nd navaratna), and bracelets {dastbayid 2ind sumran).

On Thursday, November 26, 1772, Nizam Ali Khan received a firmanhom the emperor “along with Jigha, Sarpech, and a pearl necklace with a jewelled pendant.”^ Such imperial largesse was received with due pomp, ceremony and servility. On Thursday, April 26, 1781, the Nizam received with honours, “the gift of a turban with the finest embroidered cloth to be worn on it, and an upper garment, with half sleeves, graciously sent by the Emperor.”® Numerous such occasions are mentioned right up to the middle of the 19* century in The Chronology of Modern Hyderabad (a compilation of firmans, records of events at court and intelligence reports from various parts of the empire) .

Although the Nizams ruled over the Deccan, they adopted the lifestyle, court traditions and the machinery of administration of the state from the Mughals. In the policies of empire too, they embraced the codes established by the Mughals. Inculcation into the importance of wealth and the value of the treasury commenced at a very early age and was reiterated from generation to generation. The time- honoured rationale of an easily transportable treasury was emphasized by Asaf Jah I, who advised his heirs: “...Do you know why it is necessary to carry about the whole

Sarpech Bachkani Almas Kanval 1/1/a Munni Zamarrud NJ 95,12

Bazuband Murassa NJ 95.59/1-2

Hansli Parab Mai Aweeza Zamarrud NJ 95.103

Dastband Kanval Almas Khurd NJ 95.84/1-2

The Jewels 41

treasury with you and keep it near your person? It is because if, at the time of a tumult or disturbance (may it never occur!), the sepoys demand the arrears of their salaries, although they have not more than three months’ arrears to claim, in these circumstances, you may be able to order for the payment of their dues at once.”"* In accordance with this dictum, every Nizam spared no effort in augmenting the Asaf Jah treasury.

An old injunction that stipulated that the ruler had to be offered the best of the mined gems remained in force. The Nizam’s territories encompassed the Golconda mines that Nizam Ali Khan had prudently retained in 1766 when ceding the Northern Circars to the British. Although considerably depleted, tbe mines were still active and even as late as the second half of the 19*^'^ century, good quality stones were being added to the Hyderabad treasury. India was still the principal market for Colombian emeralds, Basra pearls and Burmese rubies and spinels. As long as the Mughal court was prosperous, the finest textiles and the best gems were only offered to the emperor and not usually available to the provincial rulers. As unofficial successors to the Mughals, the Nizams undoubtedly became the biggest buyers of outstanding gems, and dealers swarmed to the Asaf Jah court. The respect and regard in which these gem merchants were held is e\ident by the fact that on September II, 1825, Sikandar Jah conferred the title of Raja on one Rai Balkrishen, a dealer of gems who had “been visiting the palace since two months in connection with the deal of turquoise and diamonds.”^

The age-old practice of nazrana or nazar, obligatory in Mughal courts - whereby gifts of gold, gems and jewels were offered to the ruler and his family for the honour of royal audience and as expressions of loyalty - was perpetuated by the Nizams. Nobles and vassals vied with each other in the size and value of the offering - almost always precious stones, gem-studded jewels and gold. Though there are no records to ascertain the quantum of gems and jewels that accrued in this manner, it must have been substantial. Since loyalties to the Nizam were best expressed in the currency of gems, and quantity was a measure of the depth of loyalty, on April 14, 1858, the prime minister {diwan) Salar Jung presented Nizam Afzal-ud-Daula with “a few trays of jewels” in addition to horses and an elephant.'" Even the British Residents, de facto rulers of Hyderabad, adopted the custom, more to ensure allegiance than as expressions of fidelity. The Resident Thomas Sydenham presented the Nizam with “a jewelled Sarpatti with Jigha, a jewelled Turra, a necklace of diamonds and rubies, a Kanthi set with pearls, a Bhujband and a Dastband,”'^ when he visited the Residency on May 20, 1808.

In the time of Mahboob Ali Pasha, “the wazrtrwasjust touched gently by the Nizam with his right hand as a token of acceptance and the amount was taken back by the presenter.”^ Wliatever did catch the fancy of the Nizam - and this included women and property - became his through the

Maharaja Chandu Lai, diwan to Nasir-ud- Daula, the fourth Nizam, decked in jewels befitting his position in the court. Loyal nobles received gifts of Jewels, especially turban ornaments, Sarpech Zamarrud Wa Almas (NJ 95.72/5).

42 Jewels of the Nizams

device of nazar. Famous nazar receipts in the time of the sixth Nizam include the Falaknuma Palace from Vicar-ul-Umara and King Kothi from Kamal Khan.

There was a constant flow of gems and jewels into and out of the treasury. Between 1720 and 1900, The Chronology of Modern Hyderabad records that the Nizams gifted hundreds of jewels to rajas, nawabs and nobles as tokens of honour and regard. According to Henry Russell (who served as Resident in 1805), these jewels “are considered, to all intents and purposes, as a branch of public expenditure. An office is kept in which these jewels are preserved and registered; and it is part of the duty of the Minister to provide a proper supply.”®

Wliile jewels given as gifts were drawn from the separate treasury maintained specifically for this purpose, on rare occasions the Nizam presented his own jewels when the receiver warranted it and the occasion demanded it. Celebrating Tipu Sultan’s death and the fall of Seringapatam, the Nizam bestowed his own pearl necklace upon James Achilles Kirkpatrick, the Resident at Hyderabad, in May 1799.1® On March 22, 1837, the Nizam bestowed “a Sarpech with Jigha, a jewelled necklace and a Dastband on Raja Govind Narayan, jewelled Sarpech with Jigha, a rope of pearls and a Dastband on Naser Yar Jang, a Sarpatti and a Dastband studded with Jewels from his special collection of jewellery and a Sarpech with Jigha on the brother of Ali Yawar-ud-daula....”i'

Imperial munificence in recognition of valour and allegiance was expressed not only in the award of lands (Jagirs), but also by gifts of jewels - the number of ornaments presented was in direct proportion to the level of honour bestowed on the noble. On August 9, 1789, Nizam Ali Klian’s gifts to one Zafar-ud-Daula Bahadur comprised 2i jigha, a carper/?., jewelled bhiijband, necklace of pearls and a plume. British Residents and visitors to Hyderabad too received imperial munificence in the form of jewels. In 1806, Thomas Sydenham was honoured with “a Jigha, a Sarpech, a jewelled necklace and a PandanM^ Gifts of gems were also dispatched to the British monarch. From his land of diamonds, Nizam Ali Klian sent a magnificent stone reputed to weigh 101 carats to King George III in 1785. The diamond was named the Hastings diamond, after Warren Hastings, the Governor-General of India between 1773-85. Prime Minister Salar Jung was the recipient of immense generosity in the form of jewels from the ruler he served so faithfully and competently. On the occasion of the Id durbar (public audience) on June 21, 1861, Afzal-ud-Daula presented Salar Jung with an entire suite of jewels comprising a sarpatti with a diamond, an emerald Jfg/ia with emerald drops, a pearl turra, a pair of bracelets and armlets and a rope of pearls.^®

King Kothi, situated in the heart of Hyderabad city, was the official residence of Mir Osman Ali Khan, the seventh Nizam. The palace was received as a gift by Osman's father.

The Jewels 43

Sarpech Yakhoot \Na Kanval Almas NJ 95.69

Paizeb Yakhoot Wa Almas Wa Marvareed NJ 95,95/1-2

Gundiyan Yakhoot Wa Kanval Almas NJ 95,46/1-7

The Chronology of Modern Hyderabad is replete with accounts of jewels bestowed on various nobles. On October 2, 1786, Nizam Ali Kban “grants to Raja Rai Rayan Bahadur.. ..a jewelled Dastband, and a jewelled Sarpech on Raja Appa Rao, and jewelled Sarpech on Rai Nathool Lai... and a jewelled Sarpech on Rajah Bhawanidas, and a jewelled Jigha on Rai Daulat Rai.”'® On the wedding of the son of one of his nobles, Nasir-ud-Daula bestowed gifts of a sarpech with jewelled jigha, a pearl turra, a dastband and an emerald necklace with diamond pendant.'®

The practice of presenting jewels continued well into the reign of Mahboob Ali Pasha, although by the end of the 19* century recipients were far fewer and the occasions manifestly infrequent. In the durbar held on June 25, 1888, the Nizam bestowed on Sir Asman Jah Bahadur, the Prime Minister, “seven jewels consisting of Sarpech, pearl Turra, rope of pearls, two strings of large pearls, and a pair of jewelled armlets, a pair of jewelled wrist bands and a pair of jewelled bracelets as a signal honour. With the dawn of the 20* century, the custom of presenting loyal courtiers with gifts of jewels was completely abandoned by Osman Ali Khan.

To further enhance accruals to the treasury and keep the power base of ambitious courtiers under check, the Nizams adopted the feudal practice that empowered the state to appropriate the properties and wealth of a nobleman who died owing money to the state. According to the historian Henry George Briggs, Nasir-ud- Daula routinely advanced loans to his improvident nobles and appropriated their estates as collateral. The properties were only returned once the Nizam determined that the loans had been paid off - and, “it did not do to dispute the accounts of a royal creditor.”'® Even Osman Ali Khan adopted this custom to resuscitate the insolvent finances of Hyderabad and forcibly acquired the property of nobles who were not able to provide a satisfactory explanation of their wealth and assets.

At the time of the first Nizam’s death in 1748, the Asafjah treasury abounded in gems and jewels accumulated from the defunct Deccani kingdoms and the court of the Nizam in Hyderabad was the most splendid in India, second only to that of Delhi. Nizam-ul-Mulk envisioned that the colossal wealth that he had accumulated would be more than adequate for several generations and counselled his heirs: “You should take into account the resources of income which I posses with an observant eye, and enquire into their significance, and if you follow in my footsteps, the present expenditure remaining the same, they will suffice for the next seven generations, but if you want to have your own way in this matter, it would not take more than a year or two before everything is squandered away.”'® But his successors had neither his mettle nor his genius. They invoked the assistance of the French and the English, both contenders for power in the region - drawing them irrevocably into the politics of Hyderabad state and embarking on a long period of monetary debt - mortgaging land, troops and treasury.

Recorded histories of the Nizams clearly indicate that the treasury was incessantly depleted to fund various political strategies on behalf of the British.

44 Jewels of the Nizams

The Marathas were humbled with support from the Nizam’s troops and Tipu Sultan was crushed with the help and cooperation of the Nizam. After the assistance rendered in the Tipu affair, the British not only took their time to repay him, but did so without any interest whatsoever.

In 1843, to facilitate repayment of Hyderabad’s debt to tbe British, they agreed to sanction a loan in return for territories, and above all on tbe condition that “the administration of Hyderabad be made over to the British authorities.”^*^ Fiercely proud and unwilling to succumb to such coercion tactics, Nasir-ud-Daula (1829-1857) drew upon his private resources and even mortgaged the colossal uncut and unpolished Nizam diamond to meet the expenses of maintaining the troops.

Lord Dalhousie’s demand to clear liabilities amounting to Rs 6,400,000 by tbe end of 1850 compelled the Nizam to take a radical and drastic step - he pawned his jewels to Henry Dighton (a former employee of the state who had established a bank) and raised tbe necessary amount. In the complex game of power politics that ensued, Dighton is believed to bave shifted the jewels to Amsterdam until the loan was paid back. When Salar Jung assumed office as Prime Minister in 1853, his first task was to recover the jewels. In a letter to Henry Dighton dated June 2, 1853, Salar Jung wrote: “I trust you will defer giving effect to the intimation conveyed in Mr Boyson’s letter of selling the jewels for a further short time, as you may depend on my using my best efforts to make arrangements for their redemption as early as I can’’.^^ Subsequently, Salar Jung did redeem the jewels that had been mortgaged by Nasir-ud-Daula. Time after time, the sovereignty of the Nizam was undermined by the interference of the British in the financial matters of the state.

At the end of Afzal-ud-Daula’s reign in 1869 the wars were over, the nationalist revolt of 1857 had been suppressed and peace prevailed. Henry George Briggs comments that the Nizam’s private treasures were considerable. “In jewels he is probably tbe richest individual in the world. Almost all the finest jewels in India have been gradually collected at Hyderabad, and have fallen into the Nizam’s possession....”-^

Throughout Indian history, jewels and precious gems passed from generation to generation and became the property of each succeeding ruler, as long as he had the power and wisdom to retain them. In 1869, the two-and-a-half-year old Mahboob Ali Pasha ascended the royal seat (masnad) of Hyderabad as the sixth Nizam.

A Regency for the child was established under Salar Jung and Shams-ul-Umrah until Mahboob attained majority in 1884. As prime minister for 30 years, Salar Jung effected dynamic changes in the administration. Arrears to the British were paid off, lost territories (with the exception of Berar) were recovered and the pawned Asaf Jahi jewels were redeemed from Henry Dighton.

The Jewels 45

A young Mahboob AN Khan photographed with his English tutor Captain Godfrey Clerk in 1875,

The sixth Nizam, Mahboob AN Pasha, poses for a formal portrait, attired in a Western- style suit. He was fond of rings and on his right hand, he is wearing the two rings set with diamonds and rubies, Challa Almas Kanval Teen Nagi (NJ 95.28) and Challa Yakhoot Teen Nagi (NJ 95.29).

By the time Mahboob Ali Pasha reached majority, Hyderabad’s finances were on a firmer footing than they had been for a considerable time. Mudiraj Kidshnaswamy, a contemporary chronicler, records, “The Nizam has a very large income, the crown lands alone yielding nearly ten millions of rupees a year. His Highness is, besides, by the constitution of the country, entitled to draw upon the state treasury. With this income he maintains his Household guards and the nobles and officials of his household, who are almost as numerous as those at any European court. But personally he is very wealthy, and the jewels and precious stones preserved at his palace excite the admiration of European princes, and every one else who has the good fortune to see them.”-^ Lacking the guidance of his father and the wise counsel of Salar Jung (who died when Mahboob was only 17 years old), reckless expenditure and caprice marked Mahboob’s reign.

His extravagance and generosity were legendary. Despite the astronomical quantity of clothes he possessed, however, his personal attire was surprisingly restrained. In an era when other Indian maharajas vied with one another to flaunt their resplendent turban ornaments and dazzling necklaces, the unpretentious appearance of Mahboob is striking. At the 1903 Delhi durbar held to celebrate the coronation of Edward VII, the Nizam of Hyderabad led the festivities (page 6). The presence of Mahboob simply attired in a formal Western-style suit in the company of the other bejewelled Indian maharajas prompted the Viceroy Lord Curzon to ask him why he was so plainly dressed. Mahboob replied that “his jewels were with him” and “gestured to the nobles who had accompanied him.”^^

Mahboob Ali Pasha straddled a world that was one- half Mughal and one-half British. Occasions that required jewelled magnificence were rare. He was the epitome of a perfect Victorian gentleman - educated by an English tutor and inculcated in Western manners. He was the first Nizam to wear Western clothes and was inclined to suits, breeches and English hunting gear. But as chief executive and spiritual ruler to approximately 14,000,000 subjects, his durbars were conducted in the Mughal tradition and provided an opportunity for traditional attire. Even on these

4 6

Jewels of the Nizams

occasions, though, he abstained from excessive royal paraphernalia and wore few jewels.

A rare description of a heavily bejewelled prince is recorded when Mahboob Ali Pasha was eight years old and he made his first official state visit to the Residency under Charles Bnrslem Saunders on August 1, 1874. The young boy-Nizam rode on a majestic elephant accompanied by his two regents. According to a historian: “He wore white which seemed to flow down in crinkles down to his knees. The bosom of his dress seemed to be thickly sewn with diamonds.

He wore many strings of diamonds and pearls around his neck and sported a white turban.”-^

As he grew older, Mahboob very seldom wore any of the fabulous jewels that he inherited and never travelled out of India. Though for decades, he was not averse to sending all his dirty laundry to be done in Paris via the Peninsular 8c Oriental steamship line! His reluctance to wear jewels did not stop him from acquiring fabulous ornaments and gems for the treasury. He was reputedly a connoisseur of gems and had a fairly good knowledge of their worth. He is known to have succumbed to the temptation of beautiful stones when they were offered to him, buying them with little thought of the financial prudence of such an acquisition.

He purchased the Imperial diamond (later known as the ‘Jacob’ diamond - NJ 95.89) in spite of vehement opposition from the Resident. His transaction for this purchase in 1891 led to a criminal suit and he had to suffer the indignity of appearing before a commission to give evidence. He later issued a finnan clarifying his position to placate his irate subjects. The rare 35-carat alexandrite ring (NJ 95.65) and the 22 unmounted emeralds (NJ 95.32/1-22) were also undoubtedly bought by him.

The humiliation of the Jacob affair and constant caution by the British did not motivate Mahboob to alter his life of indulgent excesses. Even as the matter of the propriety of the Jacob transaction was being debated in the Calcutta courts in 1891, a correspondent for the San Francisco Chronicle, who visited Hyderabad at the time, recorded the mesmeric grandeur of a ruler, surrounded by unimaginable luxury, in vivid detail: “He entertains on a marvellous scale, and his wealth is lavished in every direction. He is the mightiest of all Indian Princes, and nobles of absolute power in their own provinces compose his Court. The banquets which he loves to give are of singular magnificence. The service is of solid gold. The surroundings are Oriental splendour. The guests are robed in the finest of silks and adorned with jewels, any one of which is worth a fortune. The Nizam’s own robe eclipses them all. Made of snow-white silk, it glistens with hundreds of jewels. Ropes of pearls are about his neck and arms. Precious stones and strings of emeralds adorn his dress. The buttons are immense pearls set in diamonds. His presence seems to take one back to the fabulous

The Jewels 47

Coronation portrait of Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan, wearing spectacular jeweis from the Asaf Jah collection. Clearly visible are the diamond necklace, Kanthi Almas Kanval Wa Parab (NJ 95.31), and three gem-set armbands, Bazuband Jaravi (NJ 95,1 1 5/1 -2), Bazuband Almas Wa Moth! (NJ 95.39/1 -2) and Bazuband Navaratna (NJ 95.73/1-2),

times of the Arabian Nights. He lives for pleasure alone. The immense revenues, six millions sterling, which every year their subjects give, are his pocket money. His existence is one of enjoyment.”^’

His successor’s life would later provide a marked study in contrast. Mahboob’s son, Mir Osman AJi Khan, ascended the masnad of Hyderabad in September 1911 as the seventh and last Nizam of the Asaf Jah dynasty. His coronation was conducted with all the traditional pomp and splendour of his lineage. He rode in a formal procession, wearing the typical Hyderabad headgear (dastar) with “a golden crest, wrapped in front with a jewelled ornament set in gold, a brocade Sherwani designed in vertical stripes, jewelled armlets round the arms and jewelled bracelets on the wrists, a string of pearls, bedecked with glittering diamonds, in the neck.”-’®

From the beginning of his rule, Osman was haunted by the omen of the sage who had predicted that the Asaf Jahs would rule for seven generations. Also, the first Nizam had cautioned that the wealth he had accumulated would last for seven generations, only if prudently spent. Encumbered with the legacy of financial mismanagement and interminable interest payments, Osman’s reign was diametrically opposite to the excesses of his father.

Wliat exactly Osman inherited in the form of liquid assets is a matter of speculation, in view of the lavish lifestyle that Mahboob had and the unending financial crisis in the state. If stories of the enormous quantity of gems and jewels and gold that is associated with Osman are to be believed, it is obvious that Mahboob had ensured that the personal wealth of the Asaf Jahs remained relatively intact. It was the state treasury that appears to have borne the brunt of his extravagance. Rumours are plentiful of the gold bars that Osman Mi Khan inherited and left strewn around the palace; of the fact that access to the strongroom was barred to everybody and that he alone carried the keys to the treasury tucked away in the inner pocket of his vest; that rarely a day passed without his admiring some of his jewels and that he knew exactly what he had and in which boxes particular jewels and gems were kept.^^ Apocryphal though these tales might be - those who were once close to the Nizam are reluctant to talk - old-timers recall that the treasury in King Kothi was “a long rectangular room approximately 120 feet long and 40 feet wide”.®® It was never cleaned and a thick layer of dust was allowed to settle on everything - so that if anything was removed or even just moved, it would be immediately apparent.

48 Jewels of the Nizams

Osman’s iinquantified wealth reposed not only in land and buildings but, more importantly, in the form of liquid assets (gold and jewels) easily convertible into cash. It was his high liquidity that earned him the title ‘richest man in the world’. D F Karaka, the Nizam’s unofficial biographer, mentions that “gold was all over King Kothi. It was even under the portico of the palace, packed in covered wagons, the wheels of which had sunk into the ground by the sheer weight of the gold stored inside. The sale of this golcF^ (which was in the form of bars - received as payment of his privy purse and coins received as nazar) provided the cash for the trusts that he formed.

WTiat is irrefutable is that the sarf-e-khas (crown lands) that Osman inherited were vast and yielded substantial revenues; in addition, he inherited large quantities of gold, gems and Jewels that constituted the personal wealth of the Asaf Jah family. The unknown reporter for the San Francisco Chronicle who had the rare privilege of seeing the Asaf Jah jewels in 1891, had been awestruck and wrote: “In the city is the main palace of the Nizam, where, closely guarded, he keeps his jewels. Extraordinary treasures they are. There are thousands of emeralds, pearls and precious stones of almost every kind. It seems as if the wealth of King Solomon’s mines were before us. I saw them all. They make, perhaps, the greatest collection of jewels in the world, worth £6,000,000.”^^

In the early years of his reign, Osman maintained the lavish lifestyle and the appurtenances of pomp that were intrinsic to his royal status. Karaka bestowed the title ‘Fabulous Mogul’ on him. He was indeed the last symbol of the glory of the Mughal empire. Even those used to luxury, such as Maharani Brinda of Kapurthala, who accompanied her husband to Hyderabad in 1916, were “staggered at the scale”^^ on which the Nizam lived.

Captivated by the beauty and spirit of the maharani, the young Osman Ali Khan gifted “a magnificent necklace of diamonds, emeralds, and pearls” and to each of the royal men-folk, “a set of diamond buttons and a beautiful gold watcb.”^^ That the necklace evoked the awe and admiration of one to whom fabulous jewels were not a novelty is itself an indication of the magnificence of the ornament.

In the last and most splendid durbar held by the British in 1911 - to give the vassals of the Raj an opportunity to greet and pay obeisance to their King-Emperor George V and Queen Mary - the Nizam of Hyderabad as the foremost prince of India took precedence over all the other princes.

Having just ascended the royal seat (gaddi) of Hyderabad after his father’s untimely demise, Osman Ah Khan presented the queen with “a ruby necklace in which each ruby was as big as a pigeon’s egg.”^®

Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan is dressed in traditional Hyderabadi clothes. Although averse to wearing jewels, he can be clearly seen with the delicate three-strand necklace strung with pearls and diamonds, Kanthi Dholna Almas Wa Mothi (NJ 95.108).

The Jewels 49

The opulent interior of King Kothi bears testimony to the colossal wealth of the last Nizam, Mir Osman Ali Khan

In course of time, however, Osman Ali Khan emerged as an individual who was a complete contrast to his father Mahboob and the antithesis of India’s ruling princes. The good-looking Osman Ali Khan, in the early years of his reign, did wear jewels and dressed well in coats embroidered with gems - “one was of pearls, another of emeralds, a third of diamonds and the fourth of rubies.”^’ Beneath the veneer of ostentation, however, was a parsimonious individual, for even in those early days, “at a time when he had an estimated £100 million in gold bullion and silver, and £400 million in Jewels,” many of his suits “came from Burtons, the Fifty Shilling Tailors.”^® In his later years his sole items of jewellery were two simple rings that he always wore on his right hand - one set with a ruby on his ring finger and another set with a turquoise on his little finger. As he got older and more emaciated, the rings got loose. He would wrap string around them to tighten them.^®

During the reign of Mir Osman Ali Klian, the Asaf Jah jewels were sometimes worn, but never shown. The singular known exception was in 1950, when Dinshah J Gazdar, proprietor of the reputed Bombay-based jewellery firm of Gazdar Ltd, was invited by Osman Mi Khan to Hyderabad to evaluate the Asaf Jah jewels. This exercise was most likely undertaken as part of his effort to apportion his colossal wealth among the various members of his vast family and to allocate jewels to the various trusts that he was in the process of constituting.

50 Jewels of the Nizams

Having apportioned his once legendary wealth into trusts, he issued a self-congratulatory firman in the Shiraz weekly of Novemher 19, 1956. It said that “the beneficiaries would realize this with gratitude (though not today) when I shall he in the other world and shall have left behind an achievement, which will be unforgettable.” Thereafter, he resigned from his position as Raj Pramukh and retreated into the deep recesses of King Kothi, where he devoted his time to arranging marriages for all his progeny. The material possession of gems and Jewels were the only tangible proof of his ancestry and claim to the Hyderabad masnad, and he was reluctant to let go. He spent long hours admiring the Asafjah treasury of gems and jewels that still remained with him. However, towards the end of his life, the eccentric Osman Ali Khan insisted on living on less than “7s 6d a week and said he could not make ends meet. He was knitting his own socks, sleeping on a humble charpoy, living on rice and lentils, bargaining with stallholders over the price of a soft drink, rationing biscuits to one each at tea, and smoking cheap local Char Minar cigarettes... A steady companion was a pet white goat chewing on a turnip.”^'*

The jewels assigned to the various trusts by no means constituted the entire holdings of the Nizams. After generous gifts of gems and jewels had been set aside for various family members, there was more than enough left to support the court. Hyderabadis recount how even in the

Gazdar arrived in Hyderabad on January 11, 1950 and stayed a few days, during which time he inspected and valued the jewels in King Kothi as well as the Nizam’s huge art collection comprising gem-set and enamelled cups, plates, teapots, rosewater sprinklers, trays, bowls, betel-nut boxes and other articles. There were also carved and inlaid jades and crystals. Gazdar also saw the Jacob diamond and the 22 unset emeralds which, to the delight of Osman, he valued at Rs 5,500,000 against Osman’s estimate of Rs 500,000. To Gazdar, the emeralds were truly magnificent and he wrote in his report that “their colour is deep green” and “their lustre perfect. In the list of outstanding emeralds, Gazdar included five rings, “each with a square-cut, 25-carat, flawless stone and a set of armlets,^^ the centre emerald of which weighed 100 carats.”^® Although the exercise was undertaken to estimate their value, the romance that Gazdar wove around the jewels in his report delighted Osman. One year later, the division of the heritage was completed.

In March 1951, H.E.H. The Nizam’s Jewellery Trust and in February 1952, H.E.H. The Nizam’s Supplemental Jewellery Trust came into existence.

The eccentric and reclusive Osman Ali Khan (above) devoid of all vestiges of the legendary Asaf Jah wealth, carrying a khanazad (adopted child). Jewels (top) assigned to the Supplemental Jewellery Trust, laid out in trays in King Kothi Palace, prior to being locked in the bank vaults.

The Jewels 51

Tora Paon Jaravi Almas Yakhoot Zamarrud NJ 95.94/1-2

Baglus Jaravi Zamarrud Wa Larli NJ 95.79

1960s Osman’s word was law amongst the members of his family. He would arrange weddings for his young granddaughters and grandsons and deck them with jewels, only to take back and lock everything away once the ceremony was over.

On February 24, 1967, Osman Ali Khan, the seventh and last Asafjah, was laid to rest. The abolition of titles and privy purses ended even the lingering vestiges of dynastic pretensions in India. Thereafter, the title and saga of the Asaf Jah jewels passed into history. He died secure in the knowledge that he had safeguarded enough wealth, if prudently used, to take care of the needs of another seven generations.

The contents of the Hyderabad treasury are shrouded in even greater secrecy after Osman’s death. In 1954, he designated his grandson Mir Barkat Ali Khan, Prince Mukarramjah, as his successor. It is said that when Mukarramjah opened the treasury at King Kothi after Osman’s death, the sight of caskets of diamonds, emeralds, rubies and pearls and vast quantities of jewellery that assaulted his eyes changed him forever! Countless stories prevail of how steel boxes filled with gold and jewellery were

surreptitiously removed from King Kothi.

Osman Ali Khan with his two eldest sons photographed on his coronation day. His dastar is adorned with traditional Mughal-style turban jewels, including Sarpech Murassa (NJ 95.75/1).

The Crown Jewels

The jewels of the Nizams were acquired by the Government of India from the two trusts. The collection comprising gem- set and enamelled turban ornaments, earrings, necklaces and pendants, nose rings, armbands, belts, anklets and watch chains dates from the early 18* century to the early 20* century. Golconda diamonds, Colombian emeralds, Burmese rubies and spinels, and pearls from Basra and India predominate. All the jewels are ostentatious and flamboyant, yet amidst the dazzle of precious gems, individual pieces stand out by virtue of their antiquity and the merit of their craftsmanship.

Sources for the study of the Asaf Jah jewels are practically non-existent; ascertaining their provenance is almost impossible. The Nizams lived cloistered within their large domain and their court was veiled in complete secrecy. Reticent and conservative, they permitted few outsiders access to their household. Seclusion from public view {purdah) was strictly observed and the women’s quarters {zenana) was out of bounds to all except the closest. Even though inter-marriage between members of India’s ruling families was customary, Hyderabad was an exception. The Nizams themselves never married out of the state and their daughters were usually married to men of the noble Paigah family.

Some scholars are of the opinion that the Nizam’s jewels were accumulated from the scattered fortunes of the

.5 2 Jewels of the Nizams

Mughals and the kingdoms of Vijayanagar,

Bijapur, Golconda, Ahmednagar, Bidar and Khandesh. The Chronology of Modern Hyderabad abounds in references to jewels received and given by the Nizam. Without exception, these references are restricted to ornament types and frustratingly devoid of details. In a single rare instance, the value of a Jewel is mentioned.

On January 29, 1849, the Nizam bestowed on Raja Shambu Pershad, “a pearl necklace, with emerald pendant valued at Rs 1 5,000.

Diaries and travelogues of visitors to the Deccan like Jean-Baptiste Tavernier,

Francois Bernier and De Thevenot provide clues to the wealth of the region, the production of the diamond mines and the treasury of the Mughals. But these pre-date Asaf Jah rule. From the late 18^'^ century, British Residents at Hyderabad maintained detailed reports of their dealings with the Nizams and reminiscences of their tenure in the Asaf Jah court. Sadly, most of these deal primarily with political matters.

Miniature paintings of the early Asaf Jah Nizams only provide nebulous clues.

Depictions of jewellery are in the typical Mughal idiom and are quite standardized with scant regard for details. The collection has a fair representation of such ornaments as turban jewels like sarpech, jigha and kalgi (NJ 95.75/1 and NJ 95.72/7), necklaces of rows of pearls interspersed with emerald and spinel beads and gem-set pendants (NJ 95.124), armbands in the quintessential north Indian idiom (NJ 95.39/1-2), belts with buckles (NJ 95.41) - all ornament types that have an unbroken continuity to the present.

From the late 19* century, when photography came to India, the picture becomes less ambiguous. Lala Deen Dayal, official photographer to Mahboob Ali Pasha, took pictures that provide the only extant visual documentation of the jewels. With rare exceptions, even photo-portraits of Mahboob Ali Pasha and Osman Ali Khan depict the richest men in the world devoid of flamboyant jewellery. A simple watch chain, coat buttons and a few rings are all that are evident. Photographs of ladies are obviously absent since rules of purdah were strictly adhered to. A set of rare black and white photographs taken at King Kothi on March 29, 1951, the very day that the principal jewellery trust was established, provide a tantalising glimpse of all the jewels (page 30). The whereabouts of so many of them can only be speculated upon - they are most likely to have been sold.

Mahboob, 'the Beloved', with his favourite daughters including Sahebzadi Nizam-un-nissa Begum. The children as well as the baby in his arms are dressed in beautifully brocaded traditional Hyderabad! clothes and are all decked in vast quantities of jewels. They are wearing innumerable pearl necklaces similar to the Kanthi Marvareed Wa Almas Wa Goshwara-i- Zamarrud Mai Padak Yakhoot (NJ 95.70),

The Jewels .5 3

Baglus Wa Kanval Almas Wa Yakhoot NJ 95.22

Gundiyan Almas Kanval NJ 95,47/1-6

Zanjeer Almas NJ 95.162

Bazuband Marvareed NJ 95,114/1-2

Taveez Band Zamarrud \Na Kanval Almas NJ 95.36/1-2

It was hoped that the trust deeds would provide some clues to the origin, antiquity and importance of the jewels, especially since those assigned to H.E.H The Nizam’s Jewellery Trust were clearly demarcated into groups. However, the entire set of jewels listed in the Fourth Schedule as ceremonial regalia (dynastic jewels) of the Asaf Jahs are no longer available for study. While the trust specifically prohibits the sale of the items in the Fifth Schedule, except in a dire emergency, these jewels are a mixed collection in terms of age, value, and workmanship. Several of the items are devoid of any historic or qualitative importance. They might have been included in the trust merely for their sentimental worth.

Scholarship on jewellery manufacture in Hyderabad under the Nizams is completely lacking and even less is known about the period prior to their occupation of the Deccan. However, juxtaposed between the Mughal north and the Hindu south, the Deccan under the Adil Shahi and Qutb Shahi dynasties had a rich history of artistic achievement. Wter the annexation of Bijapur and Golconda by Aurangzeb in 1686 and 1687 respectively, the Ma’asir-i ‘Alamgiri states “..it would require another volume to describe in detail the coming of the Haidarabadis to the imperial Court .... and the admission into the imperial service of professional men, men of skill, and artisans of every kind.”^® What is unquestionable is that after the 17* century the Mughal aesthetic influence was all pervading and “Deccani artists and craftsmen borrowed motifs, forms and designs to an extent that their own distinctive identity barely survived.”^’ Although, outside the confines of the court a vibrant tradition flourished, preserved in the ornament forms of the peasants and native inhabitants.^®

The Nizams were foreigners in south India - circumstances brought them to a region that they eventually made their home. But for the almost 225 years that they dominated the politics of the Deccan, their court, their lifestyle and their culture were modelled on the Mughal court in Delhi, distinctly different from the indigenous milieu. Nevertheless, traces of local influences can be seen in several items including the buckle (NJ 95.22) set with Burmese cabochon rubies and diamonds in a style reminiscent of hair jewels of south India. Similarly, the diamond flower-head buttons (NJ 95.47/1-6 and NJ 95.7/1-12) are in the quintessential form of ear ornaments of the region.

The fusion of north and south is evident in the long diamond and emerald necklaces with pendants (NJ 95.78 and NJ 95.110). These are in the classical south Indian style combining indigenous forms and motifs with gems set in silver and enamelling on the reverse. Judging by photographs of nobles of the Nizam’s court, these kinds of necklaces were mandatory Hyderabad! ornaments. Such jewels were no doubt gifted by the Nizams to those whom they wished to honour.

Bearing in mind the history of the Asaf Jah rulers, the earliest items in the collection probably entered the Hyderabad treasury at the time of the annexation of the Deccan. The elegant double-strand chain necklaces set with diamonds on both sides (NJ 95.162 and NJ 95.133), date to the late 17* or early 18* century and are

54 Jewels of the Nizams

distinctly Adil Shahi jewel typesd^ In addition, it has already been established that gifts of jewels were received from the Mughal emperors as well as from vassals in various parts of the empire. The superbly crafted flower-blossom armbands (NJ 95.114/1-2) exhibit the delicate refinement of the imperial Mughal atelier. The pair of incomparable armbands (NJ 95.36/1-2), each with a magnificent rectangular table-cut emerald surrounded with diamonds, is believed to have once belonged to Tipu Sultan, the ruler of Mysore, and received by Nizam Ali Khan as part of the Tipu booty.

The vast majority of the pieces manifest the continuity of the technical virtuosity of Deccani craftsmanship and the aesthetic refinement of the Mughal legacy. Crafted from gold and silver in a plethora of designs and forms that combine intricacy, delicacy and splendour, they display the entire range of design within the reach of art. This artistic genius reached its apex during the Mughal period and has endured till this day.

The Mughals had established an empire in India that was politically and artistically pre-eminent from the 16^'^ to the 18* century. Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan were committed aesthetes who raised the arts of India to unrivalled splendour.

Architectural surfaces, manuscript pages, textiles, carpets, utilitarian objects such as plates, cups, jugs and weapons, and above all jewellery reflected Mughal aesthetics and flamboyance. Mughal jewellery - a unique combination of gems, precious metals and enamel pigments - became a quintessential symbol of the Mughal vision of the paradise garden. Gems were set in an age-old Indian technique whereby narrow ribbons of pure gold {kundan) were compressed in layers to form a solid wedge around the stone. The gem was thus held in place through pressure alone. The jewel was enamelled on the reverse in the champleve technique by applying finely powdered enamel colours {mina) in layers into engraved grooves. Each layer of colour was fused in a pre-heated kiln to achieve an even, translucent finish. The technique of enamelling {minakari) was particularly suited to the representation of floral motifs; flowering plants, flower blossoms, leaves and scrolling vines were adapted and rendered in exquisite detail on a wide range of ornament forms.

In the migratory movement of craftsmen after the demise of the Mughal empire in the early 18* century, artists carried their technology and skills across geographical boundaries. In this flux, designs and forms of Mughal origin find an echo across the length and breadth of India - particularly in the provincial courts of Jaipur, Murshidabad, Lucknow and Hyderabad. Since every royal atelier developed the skills and produced fabulous jewels for the ruler of the day, it becomes extremely difficult to distinguish between places of manufacture. Designs were similar, the best stones were

The Jewels .5 5

STYLES OF ENAMELLING

Bazuband Marvareed NJ 95.114/1-2

Kanthi Marvareed NJ 95.124

Bazuband Almas Parab NJ 95.83/1-2

Kanthi Marvareed NJ 95.148

Taveez Zamarrud Band Ka NJ 95.164

Taveez Zamarrud Band NJ 95.134

Padak Almas Kanval NJ 95.71

Sarpatti Almas Parab NJ 95.81/2

Saath Larh Marvareed Kalan Almas Samosa Parab NJ 95.1

Jugni Marvareed NJ 95.123

Kalgi Almas Parab NJ 95.82/2

Bastband Almas NJ 95.74/1-2

Bastband Murassa

NJ 95.77

Sarpatti Almas Parab NJ 95.81/1

used and techniques and craftsmanship skills travelled between courts. In the absence of definite provenance, it is very difficult to accurately say if, for example, the enamelled and gem-set armbands (NJ 95.39/1-2) were made in Rajasthan, Lucknow or Hyderabad. Precise attribution is not possible even in pieces of later manufacture, such as the magnificent diamond necklace (NJ 95.106) and watch chain (NJ 95.61). These might have been made in Calcutta, Delhi or Bombay. In all these cities, jewellers workshops were catering to Indian royalty.

Although schools of enamelling emerged and each region developed its own motifs and unique signature colours (such as the vibrant blue and green enamel of Lucknow), the ubiquitous palette of red and green on a white ground endured everywhere throughout the 18* century. In Hyderabad, jewels continued to be made combining kundan-set gems with enamelling on the reverse. However, little study has been done on Hyderabad enamelling even though the finest work was produced there.®® Nevertheless, based on pieces attributed to Deccani manufacture, characteristic features of Deccani jewels include elegant forms and delicate detailing on the gold; the enamelled surface is rarely over crowded and the emphasis is on flower studies and details. The palette is vibrant, the colours are darker and more robust distinguished by vibrant greens, deep reds and dark blue, with delicate touches of white. Monochrome green, black and white enamel work is frequently encountered. The enamelling and workmanship manifest in the elegant diamond and enamel pendants (NJ 95.123 and NJ 95.147), the glowing colour palette of the pendant (NJ 95.148) and the exquisite black and white enamel of the turban ornaments (NJ 95.82/1 and NJ 95.81/1) are all hallmarks of Deccani workmanship.

On the enamelled jewels in the collection, Dinshah Gazdar wrote in his 1950 report: “I have never set eyes on such jewels before. Each piece is beautifully enamelled on the back in colours obtainable only after pounding precious stones. To-day if I were asked to produce even a small replica of one of these I would be unable to do so, for these are unique specimens of a lost art. The eastern jewellery collection of His Exalted Highness is one of the finest in the world, and lodgea as it is in its ancestral home, it reflects the splendour of the great Asaf Jah dynasty.”®^ The report does not specify which items in particular he was referring to, but judging by the enamelled items that are presently in the collection, the comment must have been made in reference to those mentioned above and that date to the 18* century.

The plurality of the Deccan - juxtaposed between the Mughal north and the Hindu south, together with a revival of royal patronage under the Nizams - drew craftsmen to Hyderabad from Delhi, Lahore, Haryana®^, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Lucknow. Innovations in style and technique came from these immigrants. By amalgamating, absorbing and indigenizing the many influences, they crafted ornaments that were unique. The synthesis between Mughal and Deccani sensibility gave rise to a new, distinctively Deccani idiom. But too little is known of jewellery manufacture under the Asaf Jah Nizams to permit the construction of a chronology of styles.

The ascendancy of the British in the 19* century resulted in the infusion of English manners, customs and European fashions into India. Princely taste in this period shows a marked Europeanization that is reflected in ornament types, designs and techniques of production. Taking advantage of this interest, European jewellery firms established businesses in Calcutta, Bombay, Delhi and Madras to cater initially to European residents and inevitably to a local populace who

Tlie Jewels .5 7

A youthful Osman All Khan photographed in 1914, wearing the star and crescent brooch and the magnificent diamond necklace, Kanthi Almas Kanval (NJ 95.106).

increasingly sought British goods. In course of time, many of them became the preferred jewellers of Indian royalty and the Nizam of Hyderabad was no exception.

Prominent among these firms were Hamilton & Co,^^ Marcks &: Co Ltd, Ltmd, Blockley Sc Carter, Treacher & Co Ltd, Cooke & Kelvey^^, and P Orr & Sons. They had large workshops with craftsmen from England and skilled Indian workmen. Of all the firms mentioned, only P Orr & Sons is significantly represented in the collection. Six rings inscribed on the inside with the name of the firm were without any doubt made for Mahboob Ali Pasha in the 1880s. They include the magnificent and rare alexandrite ring (NJ 95.65) and three rings set with diamonds (NJ 95.25, NJ 95.24 & NJ 95.104/4). Two more rings in the collection, made by the same firm, are set with turquoise and diamonds (NJ 95.I63/I-II & NJ 95.I40/I-II).

Quite a few items appear to date to the reign of the sixth Nizam. Watch chains, buttons and cufflinks, integral to the Western suits favoured by him, entered the Asaf Jah collection in this period. Lacy necklaces set with diamonds (NJ 95.80), and necklaces with diamonds and button pearls claw-set in light mounts with European clasps (NJ 95.67) exhibit a distinctly Western design idiom. In the absence of any maker’s marks, it is very difficult to ascertain the provenance of these jewels. However, judging by design and workmanship, they could have been made by any of the foreign firms executing special commissions for the maharajas of India.

Indian jewellers, determined to retain the custom of their wealthy clients, were quick to adapt to the changing tastes. They produced traditional Indian jewels - mostly turban ornaments and necklaces - based on wholly Western designs incorporating lighter mounts, claw setting and faceted gems. A wide range of these jewellery types is represented, but the most spectacular pieces are the turban ornaments and necklaces - rendered in a more modern style, the gems set in open- backed, claw settings {a jour) and the reverse devoid of any enamelling. The spinel turban ornament (NJ 95.42) is a typical example of this innovation. Eurthermore, the vertical spray is set in a spring {en tremblant) - a relatively modern device.

To enhance the brilliance of flat table-cut stones (formerly done by the use of foils) , Indian craftsmen devised new frameworks, as seen in the necklace with large flat diamonds (NJ 95.31). The splendid emerald and diamond turban jewels (NJ 95.60 8c NJ 95.37), the sarpech intended for a child (NJ 95.12), the necklaces set with diamonds, pearls and emerald drops (NJ 95.70 and NJ 95.80), all exhibit the cross¬ fertilization of European and Indian influences. Jewellers and dealers from all over India visited Hyderabad and offered items for sale. Notable among the Indian jewellers who are believed to have done business with the Nizam are T R Tawker & Sons, established in 1761 in Madras, and Babu Pannalal from Bombay.^®

It was customary for these jewellers to travel with finished items or with designs and gems for special orders. With their well-known passion for gems, both Mahboob Ali Pasha and Osman Ali Khan commissioned innumerable items of jewellery, drawing upon the vast collection of diamonds, emeralds, spinels and pearls

.5 8 .jewels of the Nizams

in the Hyderabad treasury. Every special event - a coronation, birthday, marriage, the birth of a child, a commemorative durbar, the visit of a foreign dignitary, or even just a whim - warranted a new ornament. It was perfectly in order for the Nizam to sit with the jeweller, discuss the commission, view the designs and select the stones.

From the composition of the collection it is apparent that most of the items were intended for use by the Asaf Jah men. This is corroborated by the fact that there are no fewer than 21 turban ornaments, 9 watcb chains, 11 sets of cufflinks and buttons, and 16 belts and buckles in addition to magnificent necklaces and armbands. These jewels were part of the personal regalia of the Nizams of Hyderabad and perhaps once formed the core of the dynastic jewels of the Asaf Jahs. Feminine ornaments such as earrings, collar-type necklaces, toe-rings and anklets formed part of the Supplemental Jewellery Trust.

In the late 19* and early 20* century, wars and political vicissitudes tossed many magnificent gems onto the international market. When the royal houses of France and Russia ceased to be the biggest buyers of important gems, European dealers turned to India with eager anticipation. The maharajas, with large disposable wealth and an insatiable passion for dazzling jewels, were their premier clients. In the 1870s, important gems from the collection of the exiled Empress Eugenie of France were purchased by the Maharaja of Patiala and the Gaekwad of Baroda. In the 1910s and 1920s, priceless treasures of the Ottoman Sultans and Russian aristocracy were offered for sale through Cartier,

Mauboussin and other European establishments. It was at this time that the princes of India opened the doors of their palaces to jewellery salesmen.

The most notorious of these dealers was Alexander Malcolm Jacob, who sold the ‘Imperial’ diamond to Mahboob Ali Pasha. While the diamond was Jacob’s last sale to the Nizam, it was by no means the first. Having won the trust and confidence of the Nizam, he had supplied other jewels and gems over a period of time. Jewellers from all over the country travelled to Hyderabad in the hope of an opportunity to sell their offerings to the Nizam. Albert Abid, Mahboob Ali Pasha’s trusted and personal valet, brokered many deals between visiting jewellers and the Nizam. The name of Babu Pannalal features in the proceedings of the ‘Imperial Diamond Case’. He is believed to have sold a magnificent cat’s eye (in all likelihood, the gem that is set in the ring NJ 95.27) to the Nizam. The 22 unset emeralds (NJ 95.32/1-22), reputed to have once belonged to Czar Nicholas of Russia, might also have been acquired by Mahboob Ali Pasha around this time although unconfirmed reports mention that they were acquired by Osman Ali Klran from a Persian dealer in Delhi, in 1911.

Bashir-un-nissa Begum, Osman's daughter, adorned with traditional Deccani Jewellery, including necklaces of pearls, and diamond ear ornaments in the form of flowers, Karan Phool Jaravi (NJ 95.126/1-2).

The Jewels 59

In spite of their tremendous wealth, the Nizams never succumbed to the temptation of updating their vast array of jewels with the European Jewellery houses of the day. Wliile historic and impressive commissions were received by Cartier, Boucheron, Mauboussin, Van Cleef & Ai'pels, Chaumet and Harry Winston from the princes of Barocla, Kapurthala, Patiala, Gwalior, Jaipur and Nawanagar, the Nizam of Hyderabad is not mentioned at all. To firms like Cartier, the Nizam would have been a prized and profitable customer. When Cartier’s grand vendeur M Prieur visited India in 1909, he was advised by gem merchants that the “Nizam of Hyderabad... is the richest; for this kind of customer one would need rather gaudy stones.”^® However, in view of the deteriorating financial condition of the state and the humiliation of the Jacob debacle, it is unlikely that either Mahboob Ah Pasha or Osman Ali Khan did any business with foreign gem dealers.

In view of his proclivity for secrecy it is impossible to ascertain if Osman added to the Asaf Jah jewels in his lifetime. Citing a single sale, Nadelhoffer mentions that Jacques Cartier, on his first trip to India in I9II, sold the Nizam of Hyderabad a solitary gold watch. Correspondence with the firm revealed that the Cartier archives record only one purchase made by the Nizam of Hyderabad. In 1947, Mir Osman Ali Khan selected a rose-blossom tiara and a diamond necklace as wedding gifts for Princess Elizabeth. Considering that the British government of India was maintaining strict vigilance on expenditures by the princes and that major expenses charged to the state treasury required the sanction of the government, it is unlikely that Osman made any significant purchases. Descendants of jewellers in Hyderabad today recount stories of Mahboob’s patronage but few speak of Osman having commissioned any substantial jewels.

However, in numerous old family photographs, the presence of an unassuming old man, identified as the jeweller Murarilal Totaram, is conspicuous. Pictures dating to the 1930s and 1940s, feature a distinguished looking man, identified by those who were once in the inner circle of the palace as Zain-ul Ali Raza, an Arab pearl merchant from Bombay. Both these men, along with other reputed jewel merchants, did extensive business with the Nizam. Whether these dealings involved Osman buying gems or selling gems is a matter of speculation. Middlemen such as these must have facilitated the liquidation of the vast quantities of loose gems that Osman had inherited from his forebears.

A rose-blossom tiara and necklace set with diamonds purchased from Cartier by Mir Osman Ali Khan as wedding gifts for Princess Elizabeth of England in 1948.

60 Jewels of the Nizams

After Independence the maharajas turned sellers as princely India succumbed to the lure of the European firms mentioned earlier, who now came in pursuit of the fabulous gems reposing in vaults and treasuries. However, even prior to 1948, princely collections were gradually being liquidated. According to Nadelhoffer, “In 1912 and 1913, the Nizam of Hyderabad had both gemstones and antique weapons auctioned while the Gaekwad of Baroda disposed of pearls and jewels.”®® Nadelhoffer also mentions that in 1931, the London branch of Cartier acquired a most remarkable olive-green diamond originally weighing 17.50, carats purported to have come from the collection of the Nizam of Hyderabad. After recutting, the gem was incorporated into the famous Nawanagar necklace of coloured diamonds.®®

After 1948, gems from the Nizam’s collection were circumspectly sold in India and Europe, “for the Italian firm of Bulgari was setting rubies, pearls, and carved emeralds from it in the early 1970s. International gem dealers and jewellers from Delhi and Bombay were received at King Kothi. After Osman Ali Khan’s death, the depletion was complete - jewels that can almost without any doubt be attributed to the Nizam’s collection even today appear at auctions held by Christie’s and Sotheby’s.

During the post-sale documentation, two practically identical sets of jewels comprising earrings, necklaces, bangles, anklets, toe-rings and nose-rings, were found packed in cardboard boxes, each inscribed with the name Ekbal Begum and Gowhar Begum®- - Osman Ali Khan’s third and fourth wife respectively. According to one source, “the Nizam kept jewellery in hundreds of boxes. ..In later years of life. ...he had each box of jewellery assigned to each of his sons and daughters, but these boxes were meant to be delivered to the assignee only after his death. So, none knew exactly the contents of these boxes except that it was noted down by the Nizam in his own private book kept for the purpose.”

In the final analysis, what emerges is that the jewels are a hybrid of Mughal, Deccani and European influences, reflecting the ethos of a dynasty that originated in the Mughal court, ruled the Deccan and was a staunch ally of the British empire.

The Gems

Modern approaches to the study of Indian jewellery attach greater importance to the form of the jewel and the likely date of its manufacture than the gems set into them. However, this line of enquiry has its limitations, since in every period ornaments were taken apart, the gold melted and stones recycled into new settings in accordance with changing styles. Change of use is obvious in the pair of emerald cufflinks and button (NJ 95.137/1-3), the pierced gems indicating that they had earlier been used differently; similarly, the carved emerald set in a ring (NJ 95.119) was formerly used as the centre-piece of an armband or pendant. Therefore, it has to be acknowledged that, to the maker and the wearer, settings themselves were of little importance, acting merely as a temporary receptacle for the gems. This attitude also perhaps explains the juxtaposition of silver with fine gems and outstanding enamel work - as seen in the pair of exquisite armbands (NJ 95.83/1-2). There are even instances where the quality of the enamel work bears little co-relation to the fine gems used on the other side - particularly noticeable in the pair of diamond armbands (NJ 95.59/1-2). In this context, it is obvious that many of the jewels - such as some of the impressive necklaces.

The Jewels 61

Baglus Kanval Almas Wa Patta Tllal NJ 95.4

Lu Lu Almas Kanval NJ 95.101/1-2

buckles and turban ornaments, as well as the watch chains, cufflinks and buttons that date to the late 19^'' and early 20''^ centuries - were obviously made drawing upon the vast contents of the treasury.

As already emphasized, the present collection is only a small fraction of the legendary wealth of the Nizams. Yet it is breathtaking when translated into gem weights. There are over 25,000 diamonds weighing in excess of 12,000 carats, more than 2,000 emeralds weighing over 10,000 carats and pearls exceeding 40,000 chows. These gems have been associated with the Asaf Jah dynasty from the early 18* century, but their history and antiquity go further back in time - to the diamond mines of Golconda, the emerald mines of Colombia, the ruby and spinel mines of Mogok in Burma and the pearl fisheries of the Gulf of Mannar and Persia. These gems have travelled the trade routes to the prosperous bazaars of Golconda Fort, Masulipatam, Goa and Surat.

In 1763, Nizam Ali Khan, Asaf Jah 11, shifted his capital from Aurangabad to Hyderabad, situated east of the fort of Golconda across the river Musi. Hyderabad and the fort were strategically located on the trade route that linked the ports of the kingdom, Masulipatam and Srikakulam on the east coast, with Goa and Surat on the west coast. In the period of vibrant 16* and 17* century commerce, endless caravans and merchants passed through Hyderabad, and diamonds, rubies, emeralds and pearls together with silks and cottons were traded in Caravani-i-Sahu - the flourishing bazaar in the vicinity of Golconda Fort. The area is called Karwan today and has traditionally been home to jewellers and money-lenders.

Dry and rocky though the Deccan was, the region was the repository of all the mineral wealth of ancient India and at one time, the sole supplier of diamonds to the world. Golconda, the area bounded on the north and south by the Godavari and Penner rivers, was one of the most diamantiferous regions in the world. No fewer than 23 diamond mines were located here.®^ The majestic fort where these stones were traded was also known as Golconda. The gems too were called by this name: in the diamond trade, the term ‘Golconda’ is employed to classify those stones that are exceptionally transparent and brilliant.

Throughout the history of the Golconda mines, the rulers of the region retained the best and largest gems for themselves and prohibited the export of stones beyond a certain weight. Even though it is commonly believed that the mines were considerably depleted by the 17* century, geologists who visited Golconda during the reigns of the Asaf Jahs have left detailed reports on the workings of the mines. These accounts testify that several mines were still productive well into the 19* century, albeit not as prolific as they were in the past. Although no spectacular new finds were reported during Asaf Jah rule, Hyderabad state was ensured of a steady supply of good sized and fine quality gems.

The only extraordinary stone to appear during Asaf Jah rule was a huge diamond of the finest water, weighing about 375 carats, and known originally as

62 Jewels of the Nizams

Bala (little) Koh-i-Nur, and later renamed the ‘Nizam’.®^ According to accounts, the stone was found huried in an earthen pot by a goldsmith - it had obviously been stolen and hidden by someone.

At some point the stone was fractured and the largest piece was acquired by the diwan Chandu Lai for the Nizam Nasir-ud- Daula in about 1835. It was deposited in the Asaf Jah treasury, where it remained, except for a short period when it was mortgaged to meet the fiscal liabilities of the state.'’*’

The stone, which is believed to have been of superb colour and clarity, was never cut and polished.

A glass model was made, perhaps to keep a record of the stone, when it was mortgaged. In December 1891, the gem was last seen by the San Francisco C/i.rowir/c reporter who requested Mahboob Ali Pasha to show him the stone. He reports that the Nizam “took it from its place in an ordinary green case.

He carefully opened the box, slowly unwound a dirty-little cloth and placed in my hand a great crystal-like slug as big as a champagne glass, and worth just £800,000. It was the Nizam diamond.”'’^

The whereabouts of the Nizam diamond remain unknown. It does not figure in any of the jewellery trusts, although it is believed to have still been in the possession of Osman Ali Ivlian in the 1950s, and was last seen by his daughter, Shahzadi Pasha Begum, only three days before he died.

Jewellers in Bombay whisper that the diamond was sold for the princely sum of Rs 10 crore (Rs 100,000,000) and that the glass replica is still with the jeweller who handled the sale!

The diamonds in the jewels are all old-cut or Mughal-cut stones. Of the various forms and cuts of Mughal-style diamonds, the parab (straight flat) and kanval or mukhlasi (faceted flat) are the most common. Precious gems in ancient India were rarely cut and faceted, as they are today.

Indian lapidarists aimed to retain maximum weight with minimal loss.

Part of the loss in gem size can be attributed to mining methods. Miners traditionally used heavy crowbars to extract the rocks, resulting in fractures to the diamonds, producing large quantities of thin stones.

Craftsmen ensured that not even the smallest sliver was wasted. They devised designs and techniques to use these tiny diamonds that resulted from the method of mining employed.

Well-versed in the technique of cutting stones, the craftsmen skilfully camouflaged flaws by covering the whole surface with facets (bracelets - NJ 95.84/1-2), enhanced the brilliance of mere slivers by simply faceting them around the edges (buttons - NJ 95.139/1-3), inserted foil beneath the stones (necklace - NJ 95.93) and devised mounts to simulate a faceted effect (necklace - NJ 95.31). The Asaf Jah collection contains representative examples of a wide variety of diamond shapes, cuts and even

Having ascended the royal seat when he was a mere child, a pensive nine-year- colours. The rare golden tint of the diamonds in old Mahboob sits for a portrait formally dressed in regal attire, October 1875.

The Jewels 63

Saheli Moti Ranch Larhl Wa Saath Tukdi Yakhoot Wa Almas NJ 95.38

Lu Lu Kanval Almas Wa Marvareed NJ 95,100/1-2

the belt (NJ 95.33) and necklace (NJ 95.67), arranged to show fine gradation of colour, and the exceptional briolette diamond and faceted beads in the same necklace, make these truly exceptional and incomparable jewels.

After diamonds, the collection abounds in emeralds. The Mughal emperors had an infinite passion for emeralds - a passion that was acquired by the maharajas of India. From the 1580s, when the Muzo and Chivor mines of Colombia were discovered, emeralds poured into India through Goa and the Deccani ports. The gems were exported from South America to India by the Portuguese.

Table-cut, cabochon or beads, the emeralds in the collection are, without exception, magnificent and reveal that the Indian lapidarist was a master cutter of stones. Based on the thickness of the rough stone, he carefully faceted every gem to enhance colour and depth as can be seen in the magnificent emeralds set into the collar necklace (NJ 95.90).

Although inscribed and carved gems were especially coveted in the royal courts, the collection contains only two carved emeralds. One set into a ring (NJ 95.1 19) and the other in a belt buckle (NJ 95.99) - both dating to the 18* century. In turban ornaments, necklaces, belt buckles, rings, watch chains and armbands, emeralds have been liberally used. The most exceptional gems in the collection are the 22 unset emeralds (NJ 95.32/ T22) and the two rectangular table-cut emeralds, each weighing over 100 carats, set as armbands (NJ 95.36/1-2).

Rubies and spinels came to India from Burma’s Mogok mines. The proximity of the region to south India and the availability of outstanding stones in the Deccani gem bazaars ensured that they were extensively used in south Indian jewellery. Although rubies and spinels are not used in large quantities in the collection, there are a few outstanding examples. The majestic ruby turban ornament (NJ 95.69) set with faceted and cabochon stones and briolette diamonds is both unusual and exceptional. The large rectangular table-cut spinel in a ring (NJ 95.120) similarly merits attention.

Few traditional jewels are made without pearls - they are either incorporated into the settings or hung along the edges. The quantity and quality of pearls in the jewels of the Nizams - spherical, pear-shaped, ovoid and baroque - is unparalleled. Almost without exception, they are of unrivalled beauty exhibiting fine lustre and beautiful colour; they are meticulously matched for quality and size. The seven-strand pearl necklace (NJ 95.1) is one of the most outstanding items in the collection.

Though land-bound, Hyderabad has earned itself the epithet ‘City of Pearls’. Its fame as a pearl trading centre perhaps dates to the time of the region’s links with the Ai'abian Gulf even before the Mughal conquest of the Deccan. Historically, the region was one of the most important centres of Arab trade in the Deccan and traders in Basra pearls flocked to the city. Also, the Gulf of Mannar, off the south-eastern coast of India, was the oldest pearl fishery in the country, productive right through the 19* century. From Mannar and Bahrein, pearls flooded the Indian market and found a home in the royal courts. In course of time, Hyderabad became a haven for

64 Jewels of the Nizams

Sahebzadi Nizam-un-nissa Begum, eldest daughter and favourite child of Mahboob All Pasha, died when she was very young. Here she has been photographed dressed in beautifully-embroidered clothes with pearls cascading down her chest. The necklaces that are visible include Chintak Parab Wa Marvareed (NJ 95.92) and Saath Larh Marvareed Kalan Almas Samosa Parab (NJ 95.1).

craftsmen working with pearls. Even today, in Chandanpet, a small village a few kilometres outside the city, an entire population is engaged in the delicate art of drilling pearls.

Diamonds, emeralds and pearls, necklaces, turban ornaments and rings - the jewels all offer us a glimpse into the treasury of the most important native state in post-Mughal India. Even today, the magic of the past endures in the long corridors and high ceilings of Chow Mahalla, Purani Haveli, King Kothi and Ealaknuma palaces. The Nizam’s name still evokes reverence and servility. Eeeble old guards Jump to attention at the very mention of his name. To many in the palaces, time stands still - Osman is still ‘Sarkar’, the Sovereign, spoken of in the present tense. Eerily, any queries by visitors are deflected for fear of inviting the wrath of Sarkar. To a world grappling with the myriad problems of the 2T‘ century - poverty, war, terrorism, economic imperialism, and religious fanaticism - the wealth of the Nizams offers a temporary escape into a gracious and opulent past.

1

The Jewels 65

THE CATALOGUE

Gemstones

The Imperial (Jacob) Diamond

An oval brilliant diamond South Africa

Mined in the late 19'^'^ century L: 39.5 mm W: 29.25 mm Depth: 22.5 mm Weight: 37 gm; 184.50 carats NJ 95.89

Edwin Streeter, the renowned jeweller to Queen Victoria, once stated that great gems belong to history. The birth of an exceptional stone is usually proclaimed to the world and thereafter chronicles are kept of its travels and adventures.' Many vanish from sight only to re-emerge after many years re-cut and no longer recognizable. It was in 1892 that the Imperial diamond was last seen. It only re-surfaced 80 years later in 1972; but this time it was called the ‘Jacob’ diamond.®

WTen precisely the diamond was christened the ‘Jacob’ (after Alexander Malcolm Jacob, who sold the stone to the Nizam) is not known. Until this doctimentation, even the origin and the real identity of the stone (‘Victoria’, ‘Imperial’ or ‘Great White’) have been shrouded in speculation. However, the original name by which the diamond was known when it first made its appearance has now been laid to rest. The events and the sensational case surrounding the sale of the diamond in 1891 was closely followed by newspapers in England and in India. The diamond that was the subject of contention was known as the ‘Imperial’ and the trial - ‘The Imperial Diamond Case’.

Streeter does not mention the Victoria or even the Imperial in his notable work The Great Diamonds of the World. The two largest South African

diamonds that he refers to are the Stewart that weighed 288.38 carats in the rough and the Porter- Rhodes weighing 150 carats. Ian Balfour, in his comprehensive work titled Famous Diamonds, states that the gem known as the Victoria, Imperial or Great WTite was discovered in South Tkfrica, weighed 457.5 (old) carats in the rough and was the “biggest octahedral diamond from South Africa until 1896 when it was surpassed by one weighing 503.25 (old) carats that was found in the De Beers mine.”"

Contrary to reports that appeared in August 1884 in The Times in London attributing the stone to the Jagersfontein Mine in the Orange Eree State, C^eorge F Kunz, the eminent gemmologist, discussed the origin and early history of the Victoria in the Journal Science d'a.ied August 5, 1887. The shape,

dimensions and weight of the Victoria as described by Kunz correspond exactly with that of the Imperial - thereby establishing that they were one and the same. According to Kunz, the diamond was discovered in June or July 1884 in the Kimberley mines and smuggled out by one of the officers, who sold it to “four illicit diamond- buyers.” The rough gem eventually found its way to London, where it caused a “sensation in Hatton Ciarden, the great diamond market.”" It was eventually purchased by a consortium of eight persons (perhaps

The rough stone which was later cut into the Imperial diamond.

The Catalogue 69

Splendid chandeliers adorn a drawing room in Chow Mahalla palace, where many ajewel might have been purchased.

Messrs Pittar Leverson &: Co from whom Jacob bought the gem). The stone was sent to the firm of jacqnes Metz in Amsterdam where it was cut lay M B Barends. After cleaving off a small piece, it was ultimately shaped into a magnificent, oval brilliant with slightly rounded sides, cut with 58 facets and weighing 184.50 carats. Its final shape was not entirely symmetrical in order to preserve the large weight of the stone.'’ According to George F Knnz, the cutting commenced in the presence of the Queen of Holland on April 9, 1887 and took about a year to complete.

In 1891, when the Imperial was in the custody of the Calcutta High Court, Dr King of the Geological Survey of India was permitted to examine it. His scrutiny revealed some minute flakings on the girdle which, according to him, “are only what may be expected to appear on an acutely citt edge of many African diamonds” - attribtitable “to the fact of their being. ..original diamonds, that is, diamonds taken from the original matrix in which they were formed.”'’ The present gem corresponds to the descriptions of Kunz and King. The colour, transparency, and facet sttrfaces above and below the girdle are without blemish. The gem combines carat, colotir and clarity - the three cardinal G’s of the diamond trade.

The newly-cut gem was placed on the market, its owners seeking to realize their investment of £45,000.' The price - £150,000! The potential buyer - the sixth Nizam of Hyderabad, Mahboob Ali Kltan! The seller - Alexander Malcolm Jacob of Simla.

Alexander Malcolm Geary Stibonjee alias Alexander Malcolm Jacob was born Jacob Barre in Italy and was a Roman Catholic. His early life was spent in Tttrkey, where his father started a business as a soap mamtfacturer. Jacob struck out on his own, sailed for India, w'as ship-wrecked off the Muscat coast and arrived in Bombay penniless. Contrary to the romantic stories fabricated about his journey south, he walked all the way to Hyderabad and was employed by a noble, Amil-til-Ixabir. He then moved to Calcutta where he worked for the jewellery firm, Charles Nephew & Co, (where he perhaps got his early training in precious gems). He subsequently served the Naw'ab of Rampur and the Maharaja of Dholpur. In 1877, he went to Simla where he set up a flourishing business in gems, jewellery and antiques.^

In November-December 1890, Jacob visited Hyderabad to sell some jewels to the Nizam. This was not Jacob’s first visit, nor was it his first business transaction with the Nizam. Colonel Marshall, private secretary to Mahboob Ali Pasha, had introduced Jacob to him three or four years before the present meeting. Albert Abid, the Nizam’s chamberlain, who usually brokered such meetings, was then away in Persia. Jacob glowingly described a diamond to the Nizam, praised its uniqueness and beauty and mentioned that the asking price was “one crore and twenty lakhs” (Rs 12,000,000). The Nizam evinced interest but no further discussions were held.

After Abid’s retitrn, Jacob visited Hyderabad in February 1891 and then again in March, on which occasion he showed the Nizam a model of the diamond and discussions about its price appear to have taken place in the presence of Abid. The Nizam had “never purchased or seen a diamond, of this size, before...”-' Jacob now offered the gem for 50 lakhs (Rs 5,000,000) - reduced from the original asking price of one crore and 20 lakhs - and in view of the Nizam’s reluctance to btty it, lowered the price still further to 46 lakhs (Rs 4,600,000) . In the Nizam’s own words, “I said I accept the price on the condition that the diamond should be brought here on approval or non-approval {passand or na passand)

7 0 Jewels (if the Nizams

Prior to leaving Hyderabad, Jacob requested an advance of Rs 50,000 towards expenses and to deposit with Kilburn & Co to initiate the process of getting the diamond. He also informed the Nizam that the gem was in England and the owners of the gem, Messrs Pittar Leverson & Co, diamond merchants of London, would only send it to their agents Kilburn & Co in Calcutta when half the money (Rs 23 lakhs - Rs 2,300,000) had been deposited in a bank, the balance to be paid after the Nizam approved of the diamond. The Nizam agreed to this arrangement but his understanding was that the money would remain untouched until the diamond was 'passand' or 'na passand' , that is, approved or disapproved by him. “If it is approved, the other half would have to be paid. If the diamond is not approved, the diamond will be returned and my money will be returned.”"

In Calcutta, Jacob deposited Rs 50,000 with Kilburn & Co, and an additional sum of £2,200 to the account of Pittar Leverson 8c Co to cover insurance and other risks. In June 1891, under instructions from Mahboob Ali Pasha, a loan of Rs 23 lakhs was raised against securities held by the Nizam’s government in the Bank of Bengal, Calcutta. Upon receiving a telegram about tbe arrival of the diamond, the amount was placed at the disposal of his Prime Minister Sir Asman Jah and then transferred to the credit of Alexander Malcolm Jacob. The diamond arrived in Calcutta by mail on June 26. On July 10,

Alexander Malcolm Jacob handed over Rs 2,200,000 to Messrs Kilburn & Co and received the diamond. According to his testimony, Jacob was given till July 31 to complete the sale, failing which the amount of £2,200 would be forfeited and the diamond would have to be returned to the owners in London. He also withdrew the balance Rs 100,000 from the Bank of Bengal and proceeded to Hyderabad with the stone, quite oblivious to events that had transpired there in the interim period.

News of the impending sale of the diamond had leaked to various jewellers, who - jealous of Jacob’s proximity to the Nizam, his almost exclusive monopoly as a supplier of jewels, the huge commissions that Abid made on every transaction and aware of the vast profit that Jacob was set to make from the deal - offered to obtain the gem for the Nizam at a much lower price. Sir Denis Fitzpatrick, the British Resident, also heard of the transaction and was alarmed at the thought of such a huge sum of money being swept out of the state treasury at a time when it could be more judiciously expended in averting the threat of famine. In a meeting with the Nizam, he is believed to have politely requested him to resist the allure of the gem and recover his deposit.

Jacob arrived in Hyderabad carrying his precious gem, confident of completing the sale. Both he and Abid anticipated making a substantial amount of money. During a meeting in Bombay in January, Jacob had told Abid: “There is a good deal of butter

Chow Mahalla Palace, where negotiations were conducted between Mahboob and Jacob for the purchase of the diamond.

The Catalogue 71

for our bread in it.”’- However, according to Abid, the stone was not the same as the model that Jacob had left with the Nizam. Any attempt to recover the model to facilitate an exchange with a new one was impossible. Wlien Jacob showed the Imperial to the Nizam, he minutely examined the gem and since it differed so considerably in size from the model which H is Highness had retained, he simply stated, “I won’t take it.”’’ The stone was ' na jxissand' to him. Whether this disapproval was due to the caution ach ised by the Resident or he was influenced by the whispers that the stone could be had at a lower price is not clear. Perhaps not wishing to give the impression that he was taking orders from the British Resident, the Nizam seized upon the excuse that the stone was different from the original model. He demanded the return of his money.

Jacob tried every means to see the Nizam again to convince him to complete the transaction. Even Abid could not help him at this stage. Jacob left Hyderabad with the stone and on July 21 wired Messrs Kilburn & Co that the diamond was rejected, as there had been some foul play. They in turn wired Pittar Leverson & Co that the diamond was returned. In a subsequent telegram, Jacob appears to have tried to salvage his loss and recover some of the money he had paid the owners by saying that the Nizam had reduced the purchase price after seeing the gem. However, they did not respond and Jacob was left with the diamond but owing Rs 23 lakhs to the Nizam. Thereafter, the Nizam repeatedly telegraphed Jacob demanding the return of his money. It must be noted here that Jacob had paid Pittar Leverson & Co their full asking price for the gem (£150,000 - and at the prevailing rate of exchange that was approximately Rs 22 lakhs). The 23 lakhs still due to him from the Nizam constituted his profit. He was still in possession of the stone, but he did not have the requisite funds to pay back the Nizam. Jacob might well have found another buyer for the gem from among his royal clientele, but he was not given an opportunity to do so. He begged the Nizam to give him time to repay the amount and repeatedly sought Abid’s assistance

to reason with the Nizam. But Mahboob himself was under pressure from his Prime Minister and the Resident for the recovery of the huge advance.

Left with no alternative, the Nizam filed charges against Jacob in the High Court of Calcutta. On Lriday September 11, 1891, Jacob was arrested, charged with criminal misappropriation and criminal breach of trust and was served with summons to produce the valuable diamond. Under his direction, the Imperial diamond was recovered and deposited in the Bank of Bengal for safe-keeping pending outcome of the proceedings. The High Court released Jacob on bail and stipulated that the Nizam should be present as a witness. However, as a native Indian ruler and the foremost prince of India, the Nizam of Hyderabad could not come to court; moreover, his Counsel Mr Woodroffe pleaded that his coming to Calcutta would be very expensive and inconvenient. Accordingly, a special commission was appointed to proceed to Hyderabad to record the Nizam’s testimony. Jacob was asked to be present, so that he would have the opportunity of putting questions to the Nizam in defence of himself.

News of the appointment of the commission evoked various reactions - both among the nobles of the court and among the Nizam’s subjects. When the matter appeared to be reaching disturbing proportions, apparently fanned by his detractors, Mahboob resorted to a most unusual method to reach out to his subjects. He wrote a letter to his Prime Minister Nawab Sir Asman Jah Bahadur, requesting that it be published in the Jareeda, a popular Urdu newspaper. Dated October 2, 1891 the letter sought to assuage the feelings of his subjects since “the idea of a reigning prince giving evidence in a judicial matter is distasteful to the people as being derogatory to his dignity as a ruler, and, foreign to usage of the country.” He attributes the expression of such opinions to several sources, writing: “Lirst and foremost, it emanates from men actuated entirely by a feeling of loyalty and devotion to the person of their ruler, so characteristic of the people of Hyderabad. But it is to be feared that in the case of some, it is due

7 2 J e w e I .s o 1 the Nizams

to a desire to create in my mind, a distrust of the faithful officials who have been acting, for me in this matter and, to bring discredit on the administration; and possibly, in the case of a few individuals, to a design to get rid of the Commission and thus defeat the prosecution.” The Nizam further clarifies the circumstances leading up to the institution of the case stating that, “Mr. Jacob came to me highly recommended, and I was led to place in him greater trust than he deserved. The result was that he acted in such a manner, that it became necessary to take criminal proceedings against him.” Even the commission, he claims, was set tip with his knowledge and approval to enable the Nizam to give evidence and to ensure that Jacob “should have a fair trial and the fullest opportunity of defending himself.” Mahboob’s letter is eloquent on the system of justice, the right to a fair trial, the dignity of the sovereign, the duties of a Muslim prince and the guidance of the Holy Koran. Justifying the situation, he concludes by stating that even his Imperial Highness, the Prince of Wales, “appeared in person, more than once, before some of the English Courts, to give evidence.”'^

The Imperial Diamond Case Special Commission met at Safiabad Palace on October 5, 1891. Jacob was conspicuously absent, fearing that his life would be in danger were he to come to Hyderabad. In spite of the assurances provided by the Resident Sir Denis Eitzpatrick and the Nizam, Jacob’s Counsel Mr Inveracity produced a telegram declaring that Jacob was very ill in Bombay and had been advised by his doctors against travelling to Hyderabad. The Nizam was cross-examined for several days when he provided details of his entire business dealings with Jacob. He revealed that from time to time he had purchased jewellery from Jacob and that the present transaction was purely on the condition of approval or non-approval {passand or na passand). Illuminating details of court hierarchy, palace intrigues, Abicl’s proximity to the Nizam and the flurry of telegrams between Hyderabad, Ootacamund, Simla and Calcutta (between the Nizam, Abid - who was on holiday - Jacob and

Abid & Co, established by Albert AbId from profits gained by brokering deals between the Nizam andjewellery dealers.

the Bank of Bengal) cnlminating in the arrival of the diamond in Hyderabad were revealed.

The trial of Alexander Malcolm Jacob finally commenced in the Calcutta High Court on December 9, 1891 with the cross-examination of Albert Abid. After serving as an interpreter of Persian into English for the Shah of Iran, Abid had come to India with one Colonel Euan Smith. He subsequently gained employment with the Nizam and held a privileged and trusted position as Mahboob’s chamberlain. By virtue of his close proximity to his master, he was able to act as a broker to all those who wished to sell anything to the Nizam. He nsnally charged a commission of 10 percent, and in this manner was able to accumulate enormous wealth.'® Abid’s commission on the sale of the diamond was to be Rs 5 lakhs (Rs 500,000), leaving Jacob a hefty profit of Rs 18 lakhs (Rs 1,800,000).

As the case unfolded, various witnesses were called upon to testify, including Mrs Abid, Sir Asman Jah, officials of the Bank of Bengal, Kilburn & Co and Jacob himself. After Mr Woodroffe, Cotmsel for the prosecution, concluded his arguments Mr Inverarity presented his case for the defence. It was his contention that the prosecution had failed to prove any criminal action against Jacob, who had “acted thoroughly bona fide throughout” - in an open and forthright manner, co-operating with all the investigations. “With regard to the price paid for the stone by Mr. Jacob, and the price demanded from

The Catalogue 73

the Nizam, there was no dishonest action. The seller was not bound to disclose what he paid for an article. A tradesman did not always speak the truth, and if Mr. Jacob had not strictly adhered to facts when endeavouring to hasten the conclusion of the transaction, he was not guilty of criminal conduct.” Moreover, it was established that since the accused was already a very wealthy man, there was no motive to swindle the Nizam. The defence also asserted that even after the Resident’s representation against acquisition of the stone, the Nizam had parted with Rs 23 lakhs even before he saw the gem. This implied that “the Nizam meant to have it.” Tike other native princes, he said, the Nizam was a “person of vain and ostentatious disposition, and he certainly would jump at the prospect of having possession of the finest brilliant in the world.”’®

Finally, since the Resident, Sir Fitzpatrick was scheduled to leave Flyderabad, the Nizam had every intention of secretly buying the gem.

On December 23, 1891, the Imperial Diamond Case terminated in a unanimous acquittal on all counts of Alexander Malcolm Jacob. The sympathy of the public had throughout the hearings been in favour of Jacob and the jury was of the opinion that nothing Jacob did was with the intention of defrauding his noble patron. Crucial to Jacob’s acquittal was the fact that the Nizam’s evidence, taken by the Special Commission at Hyderabad, was declared inadmissible. Mr Justice Wilson, in giving his decision, stated that the Nizam was not dead and was therefore not incapable of giving evidence. With reference to the huge expenses that would be incurred and the inconvenience of moving the Nizam’s “Zenana and a thousand people”, he declared that he was not concerned with “the point of view of State and policy” and concluded: “1 do not think it has been shown that the Nizam, traveling as he might, could not come here and give his evidence, if he desired to do so, within such limits of expense as would be perfectly consistent with what is reasonable.”'"

After the criminal trial came to an end, Jacob pressed for the return of the diamond on the grounds that he had not received the entire purchase price. However, one Mahomed Yusuf Khan instituted a civil suit against Jacob. The matter was dismissed by the court, since there was nothing to establish that the complainant was the Nizam of Hyderabad. Eventually though, the Imperial diamond case was settled out of court. Ownership of the diamond was awarded to the Nizam and Jacob only received a refund of the amount he had paid towards legal costs. Some idea of the nature of the settlement may be got from a letter written by Jacob clarifying his position, to the Civil and Military Gazette, reproduced in the Bombay Gazette dated May 21, 1892. Jacob unequivocally states that the Nizam did not pay anything towards his costs and “The only sum he has paid from first to last is 23 lakhs which he paid me on the 4* of July 1891, as half the purchase money of the diamond, out of which sum I paid to Kilburn and Co. the equivalent of £150,000. The exchange being at that time 15.38 brought the amount to about Rs 21 lakhs.” Of the balance, “I paid into court Rs 150,000, and at the time of settlement this sum was returned to me, and nothing else, and it was a portion of the 23 lakhs. So the only money I received is a little over 2 lakhs. In fact the sum they gave me is less than 10 per cent on the transaction, a fee which a common broker would claim. My expenses during the proceedings in both courts are Rs. 285,000, thus it leaves me a loser of about Rs. 80,000 saying nothing of the trouble, worry, indignities, and the loss of time because during all that time my business was shut up.”

The whole affair left Jacob a broken man. He closed his shop in Simla, and died in obscurity in Bombay in 1921. British records of the estates of persons who died in India and Burma contain the following entry dated August 2, 1921: “Letters of Administration having effect throughout the Bombay Presidency of the Property and Credits of Alexander Malcolm Jacob alias Jacob of Simla late of Bombay

The Imperial (Jacob) Diamond shown actual size.

74 Jewels of the Nizams

European deceased who died at Bombay on the ninth day of January One thousand nine hundred and twenty one were duly granted by His Majesty’s High Court or Judicature at Bombay on the 2"^ day of August 1921, to the Administrator General of Bombay and his successors in the said office for the time being - he having presented the usual petition in such case required. Estate under Rupees 382-0-0 after deducting debts.

Based on all the testimonies it appears that Abid might have been instrumental in misleading the Nizam and Jacob. All telegrams and correspondence between the Nizam and Jacob and vice versa seem to have passed through him. Linder Abicl’s influence Jacob had taken the Nizam’s approval of the gem and the completion of the deal for granted. Unforeseen circumstances had neither been anticipated nor the eventuality of a failure envisaged. Erom the many exchanges between Albert Abid and Jacob in the period between April, May and June 1891, when Jacob offered the gem for 46 lakhs and his arrival in Hyderabad with the diamond, it is evident that Jacob proceeded in the manner he did because he was entitled to do so, on the basis of Abid’s advice.

Even in 1891, the sensational nature of the trial is borne out by the fantastic and fictional stories that appeared in various newspapers. A Lahore paper, stated that the “stone was originally the property of the deposed Emperor of Brazil who, to make a provision for the ex-Empress, disposed of it to a Syndicate in London.”*® The story was even published in the London papers. In September 1891, the Pall Mall Gazette featured an article entitled “Mr Isaacs, A Romance of an Oriental Jewel Merchant.” Partly fact, partly fiction, the story re-constructed Jacob’s early life, tracing his journey from Constantinople to Bombay and thence to Hyderabad “in company with a merchant who was conveying a shipment of ladies for the Nizam’s Zenana.” Youngjacob Barre changed his name to Suliman Roomani, professed to follow Islam and entered the employment of Mahboob Ali Pasha’s father Afzal-ud-Danla. The story narrates how he served the maharajas of Alwar and Dholpur before

finally establishing his business in Simla.-’® Jacob’s curio shop in Simla was likened to Aladdin’s cave. He was rnmoured to be an Armenian, a Levantine Jew, a Muslim, a double agent, and a specialist in black magic. Key figures in three novels of the period were modelled on him.^’ But the fateful day in July 1891 when he walked into Chow Mahalla with the diamond changed his life forever - it was the beginning of a destiny that dragged him to Court, ruined his reputation, laid bare his entire business practices to scrutiny, bankrupted him, and ended with his death.

Even Mahboob lost interest in the stone and ptit it away forever. However apocryphal the story might be of his having wrapped the stone in a dirty rag and tucking it away in a table drawer, it merely contributed to the mystery and romance of the Jacob affair. One can only conclude in the words of Edwin Streeter, who wrote, “It is as if the diamond needed, even in history, a dark background to show np its strangely fascinating hues.”®**

Mahboob Ali Khan, a connoisseur of gems,

The Catalogue 7 .5

Nageena-i-Zamarrud Kanval Wa Khurd

Emeralds Colombia 1 8^'^ century Different sizes Weight: 41 3.50 carats NJ 95,32/1-22

A collection of 22 rectangular and octagonal table- cut emeralds of \arious weights (as indicated in the drawing), together w’eighing 413.50 carats.

The largest stone weighs 59 carats and the smallest one 6.50 carats. Withcmt exception, the gems are all of otitstanding colour and clarity with only a small number of incltisions. From the qtiality, size, lustre and intensity of the green of these gems, the rough stones tmdouhtedly originated in (lolomhia - perhaps from the Muzo mines located not far from Bogota. Based on studies in recent years, it has been established that these mines yielded emeralds of the most beautiful rich sattirated green colour.

Colombian emeralds started appearing in India in large qtiantities in the early 16''' centtiry. They found their way to the Mughal cotirt - where they were most esteemed and realized the highest prices. Emperor Jahangir greatly admired these gems recognizing that they were from the ‘new’ mines as opposed to the ‘old’ mine stones from Eg\'pt. The Cleopatra mines, located in Motmt Zebarah in EgA'pt, were the only known source of emeralds in the ancient world. But until the discovery of the Sotuh American mines, qtiantities that came to India were small and the demand was limited. Howeter, the plunder of the Inca treasures and the discovery of

3,100 qm 15.50 CCS

3.500 gm 17.50 ch

2 900 gm 14,50 CIS

3.900 gm 19.50 cts

4 800 gm 24 CIS

\ _ /

1 1 800 gm 59 CCS

3.000 gm 15 cts

/ \ 3 1 00 gm 15.50 cts

\ _

/ N

3.600 gm 18 cts

k _ /

6.900 gm 35 cts

A \

2.500 gm 12.50 cts

\ _ /

/ \

3.800 gm 19 cts

\ _ A

A \

3.600 gm 18 cts

\ _ A

/ \

3 500 gm 1 7 50 CCS

\ _ /

5 400 gm 27 cts

A \

3-700 gm 18.50 cts

\ _ A

A \

3.700 gm 1 8 50 cts

\ _ A

T li e C a I u 1 o g u e

the Chivor and Mazo mines by the conquistadors introduced gems of immense size and quality througlt the Spanish-Porttigtiese trade into India, Persia, the Ottoman Empire, Eg)'pt and Europe. Rough gems landed in Goa and were cut, carved or engraved by the skilled lapidarists of Gujarat.

Today, as a consequence of scientific studies, gemmologists are in a position to determine the exact geographical origin of emeralds by studying and analysing the inclusions in the stones. Oxygen isotope values in emeralds reflect the composition and temperature of the fluids that eventually crystallized to form the emerald, as well as the composition and temperature of the rocks that the fluids Journeyed through before their consolidation into gemstones. According to researchers, “There is a narrow range of these isotope values for each site where emeralds have been discovered worldwide. Along with more traditional gemmological aspects, such as optical properties and the inclusion of other materials, researchers can use these unique isotope values to pinpoint where an emerald was ‘born’.”-^ Until such tests are done, we can only speculate on the geographical origin of these stones.

There is no documentation or record that provides any clues whatsoever to the provenance of the 22 emeralds. The gems were obviously purchased as a collection, since they are all together in a specially prepared case. They were in all likelihood assembled over a period of time by a dealer and carefully matched for a suite of jewels. Even the case, a typical velvet-lined jewellery box, provides no clues.

In 1950, when Dinshah } Gazdar examined the Nizam’s collection, he is reputed to have stated that “their colour is deep green, their lustre perfect.” When the Nizam’s jewels were offered for sale, Herbert Rosenthal, the French dealer, admired these emeralds and those set in the jewels and was quoted in India Today magazine: “As a judge of precious stones for over 50 years, I have never seen in my life such wonderful emeralds. For their quality and their brightness the ensemble present in the sale is exquisite. Simply out of this world!

It is most likely that the emeralds entered the Asaf Jah collection during the reign of Mahboob Ali Pasha. A connoisseur and lover of gems, it was customary for Mahboob to spend long hours examining and studying gems and pearls. Dealers flocked to Hyderabad, seeking to sell gems and jewels to the Nizam. According to Jayant Chawlera-’ the gems once belonged to Czar Nicholas I of Russia and might be from the Russian mines^®. They are purported to have been purchased by Mahboob Ali Pasha from T R Tawker & Sons, a family-run jewellery establishment based in Madras.-’ In the late 19'^ and early 20^’’ century hoards of jewels and gems, tracing their provenance to Empress Eugenie of France, the Czar of Russia and other members of Russia’s rarefied aristocracy (after the Russian revolution) and to the treasury of the Turkish Sultan Abdul Hamid II, who was deposed in 1909, appeared on the European gem market. Indian maharajas who were travelling on the continent became major buyers. Nirmala Raje Bhonsle, granddaughter of Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad of Baroda (a buyer of fabulous gems), is believed to have stated that her “grandmother had some very good personal jewellery bought from Russian grand dukes after the Revolution, mostly big emeralds.”'^* During his reign, Mahboob Ali Pasha played host to various visiting members of Russian aristocracy, including Grand Duke Alexander.

But even if their Russian or Colombian origin were established, it would still not conclusively determine how and when the gems entered the Asaf Jah collection. According to some sources, the Nizam of Hyderabad purchased magnificent emeralds “from a Persian jeweller for eighty lakhs of rupees at the time of the 1911 Delhi Durbar.”^® Osman Ali Khan had ascended the throne in September 1911 and had travelled to Delhi for the event where he might have been offered these exceptional gemstones.

.(All such stories are based on hearsay and are by and large apocryphal. What is irrefutable is that in the late 19‘'' and early 20‘'^ century, fabulous emeralds from India’s imperial treasuries were set into ornaments by the great jewellers of Europe.

78 Jewels

of the N i z a in s

Hans Nadelhoffer’s documentation of the Cartier legend reveals that the firm handled some of the most extraordinary emeralds from India. Innumerable commissions were ttndertaken for the maharajas. Carved emeralds which they obtained in India (for nowhere else in the world was the tradition of carving emeralds executed with the same finesse, precision and harmony as in Mughal India), table-citt emeralds and emerald beads were all set into extraordinary jewels. The magnificent turban ornament created in 1926 for Jagatjit Singh of Kapurthala, the famous Nawanagar emerald necklace and the Maharaja of Dhrangadhra’s emerald-set turban jewel are only a few among many. The Boitcheron commission for the ruler of Patiala also involved the use of splendid emeralds.

Of particular note is the fact that, in catering to the in.satiable Indian passion for emeralds, Cartier drew upon stones from various other sources as well. For example, for thejamsaheb of Nawanagar, Cartier designed and executed a necklace of “seventeen rectangular emeralds, including a stone of 70 carats which came from the Turkish sultan.”-’® If indeed Osman Ali Khan acquired these gems, a Turkish source cannot be ruled out. The deposed Caliph of Turkey was, for many years, a dependant of Osman Ali Klran. In fact, strategic marriages were forged

for Osman’s two eldest sons with the daughter and niece of the Caliph. It is alleged that Osman supported the Caliph’s entire family for many years when they were exiled from their homeland. However, that woitld imply that the stones entered the Asaf Jah collection only in the 1930s. Osman had by this time become qitite frugal and had withdrawn into the recesses of his palace. It seems unlikely that he would have invested a huge sum of money on adding gems to an already well-stocked treasury.

Significantly though, the importance of the gems is evident from the fact that neither Mahboob Ali Pasha (who must have purchased them) nor Osman Ali Klran (who inherited them) was tempted to set them into jewels. Perhaps even in the late 19''' century, the anachronous rationale of an easily transportable treasury remained unchanged. A correspondent for the San Francisco Chronicle informs his readers that the Nizam, Mahboob Ali Pasha “with his immense revemtes, can well afford to spend millions for precious stones. Why he does so is, I think, quite as interesting as the fact that he does. Ever since the first convulsion among the native princes of India, it has been their custom to put their wealth in as portable a form as possible. They buy jewels and gold.”-” Tbe emeralds are part of the First Schedule of the Nizam’s Jewellery Trust.

The Catalogue 79

Turban Ornaments

Sarpech Bachkani Almas Kanval Wa Munni Zamarrud

Gold set with diamonds, emerald beads and cabochon rubles

Hyderabad

1 9’^'^ century

H : 5,8 cm L: 1 1 cm

Weight: 1 38 gm

NJ 95.12

A turban ornament (sarpech) in the form of a semi¬ circular headband set in the centre with a large rose-cut pear-shaped diamond on top of an oval diamond, and a flat diamond with cabochon ruby pendant below. On either side, a row of rose-cut diamonds with emerald bead fmials and flat old-cut diamonds set with cabochon rubies pendant. The centre gem surmounted with a diamond-encrusted bird, with finely-etched feathers, cabochon ruby eyes and a diamond taveez bead hanging from the beak.

North and south coalesce in this elegant and beautifully-designed jewel, intended, as the title suggests, for a child (bachkani). The gems are completely encased in gold and the flat diamonds are foiled for brilliance. Additionally, minuscule claws hold the gems securely in their setting.

The weight of the pear-shaped gem is approximately 12 carats and the total weight of the other diamonds, more than 100 carats.

The lustre and luminosity that characterize Golconda gems are apparent in

the collection of diamonds in this jewel. Indian lapidarists improvised the rose-cut and old-cut to make optimum use of irregular stones without reducing their weight. According to historians, Benares and Lucknow were the most important centres where “the diamond cutters who prepare the table diamond so popular in India, and the rose diamond”^^, practised their craft.

Stylistically, and on the basis of workmanship, this jewel dates to the mid-19* century. The sheer size and quality of the gems implies that this was a special piece made for a special occasion. Mahboob Ali Pasha, the sixth Nizam, ascended the throne when he was merely two-and-a-half-years old. In accordance with the feudal customs of court, durbars were conducted with due pomp and ceremony. Until he attained majority in 1884, innumerable occasions must have presented themselves warranting a special and unique jewel befitting a young boy king.

The jewel is part of the Fifth Schedule of the Nizam’s Jewellery Trust.

The Catalogue 81

Sarpech Kalan Zamarrud Wa Kanval Almas Ba Awaiza-i-Zamarrud

Gold set with emeralds, diamonds, emerald drops and diamond drops I ndia

Late 1 9*^^ century H : 1 9.5 cm L: 23 cm Weight: 290 gm NJ 95.60

A turban ornament {sarpech) with table-cut emeralds, old-cut diamonds, emerald drops and briolette diamond drops set in gold. The jewel is in five open-work, hinged foliate sections suspending five emerald drops. It is likely that there were orginally two more emerald drops judging by the gaps on each side. The centre section set with an oval emerald surrounded with eight rectangular and round emeralds in a circular arrangement; the hinged sections on either side symmetrically set with emeralds and diamonds tapering to triangular end pieces, each with three emeralds and small diamonds. Surmounted by a tapering aigrette with eight graduated emeralds, each set within a diamond- encrusted lotus motif suspending briolette diamond drops on either side and an emerald drop at the end.

Colombian emeralds carefully matched for colour, lustre and purity are claw set in open-back light mounts, amidst a virttial garden of diamonds, lending an incredible aura of ethereal delicacy to the ornament. The total weight of the six emerald drops alone is estimated to be over 300 carats.^'* Of all the regalia of Indian royalty, turban ornaments {sarpech, sarpatti, kalgi, jigha and turra) w'ere the most visible .symbols of monarchy, power and wealth, and the finest gems in the treasury were used for these jewels.

From the sheer quality and assemblage of emeralds, it appears to be a commissioned piece, drawing upon loose gems in the treasury and made by a jew'eller working in the court or even by one of the foreign jewellery firms operating in Calcutta or Bombay who specialized in combining Indian motifs with Western settings. Several jewellers were close to the Nizam and they periodically established their workshops in the palace to execute important orders for special occasions. Based on designs generated by these jewellers, the Nizam would select stones from the treasury and commission the jewel. The jeweller often only had to supply the balance smaller stones required to complete the piece.

In 1894, Mahboob .Ali Pasha celebrated the silver jubilee of his accession to the Asaf Jah throne. In that year, he probably commissioned and purchased quite a few jewels from firms like Hamilton &: Co, Calcutta. The design and workmanship of this sarpech implies that it might have been made in that year by this establishment.

The jewel rests in its own special leather case and is accompanied by an inventory label wherein a value of Rs 700,000 is assigned to it. To Osman Ali Klian it was an important jewel and it is included in the Fifth Schedule of the Nizam’s Jewellery Trust.

1’ li e Catalogue 88

Sarpech Larli Wa Kanval Almas

Gold set with spinels and diamonds I ndia

Early 20’^'^ century

H: 17 cm L: 21 cm Centre spinel: 1.5 x 2 cm Oval spinel: 1.4 x 2.3 cm Weight: 1 67 gm NJ 95,42

A turban ornament {sarpech) in hinged sections with rectangular table-cut spinels and old-cut and rose-cut diamonds in an open-work foliate gold "setting, tapering on either side to pear-shaped spinels and a spinel bead pendant. A floral spray aigrette hinged at the top with a large oval spinel surrounded with diamonds, suspending a faceted spinel bead.

Lightweight open-back mounts with minuscule claws hold the gems securely in their setting. The aigrette is fitted on a coiled spring - en tremblant - so that the piece gently sways and sparkles with movement. These techniques were common in late 19^’^ and early 20'*’ century jewellery manufacture in Europe.

The eight table-cut spinels together weigh approximately 250 carats and the 190 Golconda diamonds, approximately 100 carats. The selection of spinels has been done very carefully, the three centre stones (oval, rectangle and bead) of dark colour, while the gems on either side are all

of a uniform lighter hue. Fewjewellers could afford to hold such large stocks of high quality gems.

Spinels originally came from Badakshan in Afghanistan and for many centuries were mistaken for rubies. Spinels and rubies are generally found in the same mine, the spinel being lighter in weight and colour. They also occur in a variety of other colours, the most sought-after being the pinkish-red, seen in this turban ornament. They are also found in large sizes, and are therefore often just polished, drilled and used as beads. In the 16* and 17* centuries, the Mogok mines in Burma (Pegu) yielded the best rubies and spinels. The principal gem traders were Chettiar merchants from south India - their homes in and around the great port town of Masulipatam. From Mogok to Masulipatam to Hyderabad, the path was well trodden by these gem dealers. The jewel rests in its own special fitted leather case and is part of the Fifth Schedule of the Nizam’s Jewellery Trust.

The Catalogue 85

Kalgi Almas Parab

Gold set with diamonds: enamelled on the reverse Deccan

Early 1 8*^^ century H : 1 9 cm W: 5.4 cm Weight: 1 30 gm NJ 95.82/2

A turban plume the lower panel comprising

a central pear-shaped flat diamond with open-backed diamond-set cusped petal surround. The tapering scroll surmount set with flat diamonds and bordered with cusped petals and a pearl pendant. The reverse enamelled in black with touches of red and green, with a receptacle for a feather and a tapering stem to tuck the jewel into the folds of the turban.

The large flat diamond in the centre is of exceptional size and weighs approximately 25 carats. The floral motifs rendered in fine quality black enamel on the rear is most unusual. The jewel wus designed to be worn with the sarpatti (facing page) .

Turban ornaments were crowning symbols

O /

of temporal power and evolved from a simple feather to elaborate combinations of gemstones. After the disintegration of the Mughal empire, the small and compact kalgi became grander and grander in the provincial courts. The simple kalgi was no longer sufficient as a statement of power and wealth against the traditional Indian headgear - a turban composed of yards of richly brocaded fabric wound in layers around the head - so the need for more elaborate ornaments arose. After the British annexed Otidh in 1856, no Indian ruler was permitted to use the title ‘king’ or wear anything resembling an ‘imperial’ crown. The combination of sarpech, kalgi and turra\was India’s answer to the imperial crown. Often inversely proportional to the size of the kingdom, turban ornaments became increasingly flamboyant, soaring upwards in a blaze of fire and light.

The jewel forms part of the collection of items in the First Schedule of the Nizam’s Jew'ellery Trust.

86 Jewels of the Nizams

Sarpatti Almas Parab

Gold set with diamonds: enamelled on the reverse Deccan

Early 1 8^^ century W: 4.5 cm L: 49.5 cm Weight; 1 97 gm NJ 95.81/2

A turban ornament {sarpatti) designed as a long fillet to be tied around the turban, with the central section comprising five hinged flowers, each set in the middle with a flat table-cut diamond with open-backed diamond-set cuspecl petal surrounds and tapering to nine similarly set small flowers on either side.

The large table-cut diamonds in the centre of each flower are all kiwdan-set in gold, their size rare and their quality extraordinary. The diamond petals are edged with gold and set at angles to simulate an actual flower. The diamond flowers {almas phoot) that make up this fabulous jewel are very realistically fashioned. The reverse is enamelled with floral motifs

in red and green on a white ground. The quality and detail of the enamel work is outstanding. This Jewel, the accompanying kalgi (facing page) and a pair of armbands (NJ 95.83/1-2) are among the earliest items in the collection. They have